Raise staple farm prices by a tariff-equivalent benefit plus voluntary production control, at no cost to the Treasury

The enactment of every constitutional measure that will aid the farmers to receive for their basic farm commodities prices in excess of cost.

Extension and development of the Farm co-operative movement and effective control of crop surpluses so that our farmers may have the full benefit of the domestic market.

That admirable document, the platform which you have adopted, is clear. I accept it 100 percent.

Blanket endorsement of every plank.

It should be our aim to add to the world prices of staple products the amount of a reasonable tariff protection, to give agriculture the same protection that industry has today.

And in exchange for this immediately increased return I am sure that the farmers of this Nation would agree ultimately to such planning of their production as would reduce the surpluses and make it unnecessary in later years to depend on dumping those surpluses abroad in order to support domestic prices.

Such a plan as that, my friends, does not cost the Government any money, nor does it keep the Government in business or in speculation.

we should repeal immediately those provisions of law that compel the Federal Government to go into the market to purchase, to sell, to speculate in farm products in a futile attempt to reduce farm surpluses.

I seek to give to that portion of the crop consumed in the United States a benefit equivalent to a tariff sufficient to give you farmers an adequate price.

First: The plan must provide for the producer of staple surplus commodities, such as wheat, cotton, corn in the form of hogs, and tobacco, a tariff benefit over world prices which is equivalent to the benefit given by the tariff to industrial products. This differential benefit must be so applied that the increase in farm income, purchasing and debt-paying power will not stimulate further production.

Second: The plan must finance itself. Agriculture has at no time sought and does not now seek any such access to the public treasury as was provided by the futile and costly attempts at price stabilization by the Federal farm board.

Third: It must not make use of any mechanism which would cause our European customers to retaliate on the ground of dumping.

Fourth: It must make use of existing agencies and so far as possible be decentralized in its Administration so that the chief responsibility for its operation will rest with the locality rather than with newly created bureaucratic machinery in Washington.

Fifth: It must operate as nearly as possible on a cooperative basis and its effect must be to enhance and strengthen the cooperative movement. It should, moreover, be constituted so that it can be withdrawn whenever the emergency has passed and normal foreign markets have been reestablished.

Sixth: The plan must be, in so far as possible, voluntary. I like the idea that the plan should not be put into operation unless it has the support of a reasonable majority of the producers of the exportable commodity to which it is to apply.

Farm Board speculative operations must and shall come to an end.

I favor -- and do not let the false statements of my opponents deceive you -- continued protection for American agriculture as well as American industry. I favor more than that. I advocate, and will continue to advocate, measures to give the farmer an added benefit, called a tariff benefit, to make the tariff effective on his products.

Cash incentives for production cuts raised farm income sharply.

The AAA aimed to inflate farmers' incomes by offering cash incentives to farmers who agreed cut production.

The 1936 Butler decision ended the self-financing processing tax, after which the plan cost the Treasury.

In 1936, the Court's Butler decision shut down the AAA because of its tax provisions.

The Topeka farm speech made vague promises without definite legislation; farmers expect delivery or will turn to violence.

Gov Roosevelt is playing with dynamite if he does not have definite legislation in mind to fulfill the vague promises he made to agriculture in his Topeka address.

Roosevelt's six-point farm program is understood as the 'voluntary domestic allotment plan,' whose feasibility experts dispute; the points overlapping Hoover's cancel out.

Roosevelt the farmer has received the outline of a program for aiding him by what some students de scribe as the "voluntary domestic allot ment plan," but which other students declare Is Impossible.