Springfield weekly Republican (Springfield, Mass.), September 29, 1932 (page 6)

6 THE WEEKLYREPUBLICAN [Entered as Second-class matter No vember 6, 1879, at the postoffice at Springfield, Mass., under the act of March 8. 1879.1 SUBSCRIPTION RATES THE DAILY REPUBLICAN: Two cents a copy, 12 cents a week. 50 cents a month, $1.50 a quarter, $6.00 a year: Including the Sunday edition, 20 cents a week, 85 cents a month, $2.50 a quarter. SIO.OO a year. THE SUNDAY REPUBLICAN: Eight cents a copy, 55 cents a month, SI.OO a quarter, $4.00 a year. _ THE WEEKLY REPUBLICAN Published by The Republican Pub lishing company. Springfield, Mass. Three cents a copy, 40 cents for three months, $1.50 a year. Foreign postage on The Weekly Republican is 2 cents per copy, or $2.54 per year; Canada, 1 cent per copy, or $-.02 per year. All subscriptions are payable strict ly in advance. Send three-cent stamp for specimen copy. Subscribers and advertisers are re quested to remit by New York or Boston check, postofflce or express money order, or registered letter, and to address THE REPUBLICAN. SPRINGFIELD. MASS. Sprnwifirto JUjmMtam SPRINGFIELD, MASS., SEPT. 29, 1931. Messrs Doherty and Ferry It is unnecessary to drag the pri mary system of nominations as an issue into the Doherty and Ferry cases which have been under inves tigation by the state ballot law com mission. They have nothing to do with the primary system. Neither Doherty nor Ferry was entered as a primary candidate. The same petty maneuvering for political advantage in the regular election can be practiced under the conven- Hofi system, because no convention system of nominations excludes the possibility of independent or minor party tickets and candidacies. The Doherty and Ferry candi dacies were based on the prohibition issue. Doherty was to run as a "pro 'hibition repeal" candidate for gov ernor with the design of drawing votes from Gov Ely; while Ferry was to run as a bone dry with the design of drawing the votes of Re publican drys from Youngman. Both mnn being obscure and without funds to spend, they were not ex pected by their sponsors to conduct a campaign for votes. The purpose of the enterprise would be fulfilled merely by having their names on the ballot accompanied by the printed designations, "prohibition repeal" and "prohibition" respectively, as a bait for voters whose interest in the state election might be confined to the prohibition issue. The exposure of the fraudulent nature of these two candidacies was easily brought about by proving to the ballot law commission that many of the signatures to the candi dates' petitions for a place on the official ballot were unauthorized and bogus. Aside from the discreditable meanness of the political tactics thus used by party politicians, the Doherty and Ferry cases are chiefly important as emphasizing the neces sity for the careful scrutiny and testing of signatures by the ballot law commission. Securing signatures has become too much of a racket by paid professionals in political cam paigns. The proposed preprimary convention plan cannot put a stop to the business. Jail terms can. [September 28.] Situation in Illinois Illinois must choose for governor this fall either the Democrat, Judge Henry Horner, or the former Repub lican governor, Len Small. It is a tough situation for the Republicans of the state who have been sickened by Bigbillthompsonism in Chicago and Lensmallism in the state at large. Thompson is one of Small's chief supporters in the former gov ernor's attempt to come back, while the manager of the state campaign is none other than Frank L. Smith, whom the United States Senate re fused to receive as a member. The Chicago Tribune, which will not tolerate this racketeering gang of yesteryear, recalls that Smith was chairman of the Illinois commerce commission, or public utilities board, in the days when Samuel Insull was its master; and that Insull "contrib 'uted the lion's share of the $203,000 'in campaign contributions which 'Frank Smith received from public i 'utility sources at the time he was 'running for the United States Sen 'ate." The Insull ''monstrosity," now slowly revealing its scandalous trunk and extremities in receivers' reports, i dn^s not make good campaign pub-| Ucity for Small, Thompson, Smith Co. That Small won the nomination for governor in the Republican pri mary was a crowning misfortune for the party in Illinois. Thompson's Chicago following contributed mate rially to the result and a "split field" of candidates made it possible. The spreading revolt against Small's can didacy among Republicans is facili tated by the comparative attractive ness of Judge Horner, whose canvass of the state is arousing unusual in terest. At Vandalia, Saturday, there was a parade three miles long in his honor. It looks more and more like a Homer year. For Small's election in November would surely help Thompson to revive in Chicago and perhaps threaten his recapture of the city government when Mayor Cermak's term expires. The St Louis Post-Dispatch re cently 'described the expedition, down the Illinois river to the Missis sippi and around to the Ohio, of Small, Thompson and Smith. They had borrowed a barge from the war department and were ostensibly pro moting the Illinois deep waterways enterprise. But the river journey was in reality a political junket dis closing their ingenuity in dramatiz ing a campaign, which must have been Big Bill's special contribution. There was an orchestra on board, and dancing every evening wherever the boat tied up to the river bank. The master of ceremonies was Bill 1 himself:-- who but two years ago was pa rading the streets of Chicago with donkeys, camels and various other animals in an unsuccessful effort to get himself reelected mayor of the city whose bankruptcy his ad ministration had precipitated. He has not changed a whit from the time when he exhibited rats in a cage to ward meetings in the loop. King George, happily, is not an is sue in the present Illinois campaign, although there is yet time to revive the king business if the going doesn't seem good. [September 28] The Worcester Explosion The explosion at Judge Webster Thayer's house in Worcester was an abhorrent event if it had human in spiration and direction. Violence of this character, if deliberately planned, is so completely without justification that the resort to it in i voices a certain moral subsidence of the basis of any social order what ever. In any case, the fact that cas ualties in the judge's family were at a minimum was most fortunate, and also an eventuality to be most thankful for. There is every reason why the origin of this explosion should be de termined, if possible. It is natural, under the circumstances, to accept the assumption of a calculated crime committed as an act of reprisal against the Massachusetts judiciary. If it was, the more convincingly the police can prove it the better. The two theater bombings in Worcester within the past week call for care ful investigation at the same time. [September 28.] The World's Series Depressions may come and go but the world's series, due to begin to- j day, we have with us again--wel- come evidence that old passions and enthusiasms remain. It is not expect ed, according to the latest reports as this is written, that when the New j York Yankees, champions of the American league, and the Chicago j Cubs, champions of the National league, meet in New York this after- I noon, there will be an attendance i breaking all records. But even if the mark of 63,000 set in 1926 is not j passed, an audience of some 50,000 is counted upon. Year after year, with few excep tions, the world's series manages to demonstrate anew the dramatic quai-, ities which make baseball the na tional sport. Last year the redoubt-! able "Pepper" Martin, of the St Louis Cardinals, unknown before the I series began, batted and ran and slid I himself into sudden fame as he went wild on the bases. This year some other newcomer may be the hero of the series; or it may be that the greatest showman in the history of the game, "Babe" Ruth, now near ing the end of the trail as an active player, will once again swing a prodigious bat and monopolize the limelight. That more than anything else would delight the followers of the game! Sickened for a time by the scan dals attached to the world's series of 1919 between the Cincinnati Reds and the Chicago White Sox--since stigmatized in the world of baseball as the "Black Sox" --the baseball public has long since renewed its faith in the honesty of the game, confident that the battle of wits, skill and courage will be fought and won on its merits, in the best spirit I of those whose past exploits and un- I questioned honor have invested the contest with a romance of its own. [September 2®.] Tunney's Political Future With Gene Tunney rewarded for his part in the Maine campaign by I prospective appointment as a colonel on the staff of the new Democratic j governor, Mr Brann, it looks as if they would have to make Tunney 1 more than a major down in Con- necticut. Having modestly disclaimed i any desire for office this year and having lent what is considered im- i portant aid in Maine, Tunney would seem to be in line for election to something two years hence, or for appointment in the meantime to something calling for more serious duties than just the wearing of a staff officer's uniform, whether that of a major or a colonel. It is not se riously suggested that Tunney is I I ripe for the diplomatic corps, yet it i is a fact that diplomats have been i sent abroad, even to the court of i St James's, who had less acquaint ance with important public figures than Tunney already has in England, where in addition to his well-known friendship with George Bernard Shaw one believes that he has met the prince of Wales at dinner. But even John L. Sullivan condescended THE SPRINGFIELD WEEKLY REPUBLICAN: SPRINGFIELD, MASS.: THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1932 to consort with royalty and gracious ly asked the grandfather of the pres ent prince, "How's your mother?" When the cartoonists get a little more used to drawing Gov Roosevelt, some of them should do it a little better. Teeth, glasses and a cowboy 1 hat were all that once was needed to identify his famous kinsman. But Franklin is not quite so easy or so simple a subject. The current habit i seems to be more and more to em-! phasize his jaw--and it will be agreed that a strong jaw, whether as evidence of determination or of ca-' pacity to "take it on the chin" in these parlous times--is a good at tribute for a President or presiden tial nominee. But to suggest, by the pencil, what is commonly known as I a "whopper jaw" is not fair to what, j regardless of policies and politics, is actually a fine face. There is, how- I ever, no court of art or law to whose edicts the cartoonists must bow and the best of them must set their own standard. Smoot's Peril Reports from Utah that Senator Smoot's reelection is seriously men aced may seem surprising in view of the senator's 30 years' service in the Senate. The state has been close at times, but the senator has had in dependent sources of strength which have never failed him hitherto. Be sides the depression in Utah's eco nomic life, the senator now is faced by a Mormon Democratic opponent, Prof E. D. Thomas of the depart ment of political science in the Uni versity of Utah, who enjoys the high respect of the adherents of the Mor mon church. There will be no solid Mormon vote for Elder Smoot this year. Arthur Sears Henning, trav eling correspondent in that region for the Chicago Tribune, reports that Mr Smoot "is up against a des perate fight." President Hoover's plurality in Utah in 1928, it is now recalled, was scarcely 1-1,000, al though he swept the West, general ly speaking, by heavy majorities. In 1924, Davis and La Follette com bined polled more votes in Utah than Coolidge did, although Coolidge had 30,000 plurality. These facts in dicate why Gov Roosevelt went to Salt Lake City last week to deliver one of the major speeches of his transcontinental tour. [September 28] Alaska Contributes to Anthro pology The fascinating quest of the origin j of the American aborigines and of the extraordinary skill in the arts which some of them have possessed appears to have advanced a substan- tial step with the discoveries report- I, ed by Dr Ales Hrdlicka of the Smithsonian institution, on Kadiakl island. On this island, off the south-! ern coast of Alaska, the distin-1 guished anthropologist has recovered i j the skeletons of two races, or of two branches of the same race, together I with many implements and objects 1 of art, some of which suggest a cul- i tural kinship with the mysterious carvings of the ancient Mayas of Yucatan. An extraordinary feature of the I doctor's discoveries is their extent, i While it is the pretty generally ac cepted view of anthropologists that the American Indians are descend-' ants of eastern Asiatic tribes who i crossed over by way of Behring i strait many centuries ago, there has been a strange lack of connecting links in the way of such finds as are i now reported. Kadiak island has an area about that of Massachusetts but it has remained an almost unin habited wilderness as long as white men have known it. In this region during the past summer Dr Hrdlicka found more than a score of ancient i village sites, one of them covering more than <3O acres. Beneath debris from 8 to 15 feet! I deep, containing relics of primitive i civilization, he found the remains of a more advanced people who lived there, he believes, shortly after the last ice age and appear to have been I wiped out suddenly, perhaps by I some epidemic. Ruins of fortifica- I tions were found on a* nearby island apparently strong enough success fully to repel any attack that might have been made by an enemy. Dr Hrdlicka proposes to devote another summer to his exploration in this re gion, and meanwhile he has provided material for many summers and winters of laboratory study. Not the least of his achievements is his encouragement to hopes that much more is to be learned about where our Indians came from. The knowl i edge may even run ahead of the i lagging knowledge of how to deal with them as they ought to be dealt I with. [September 28.] Of morg significance in lowa than Senator Brookhart's decision to run as independent candidate for reelec tion is the declaration in favor of Gov Roosevelt by Henry A. Wallace of Des Moines, owner of Wallace's Farmer. Mr Wallace's father, the late Henry C. Wallace, was secretary of agriculture in the Harding and Coolidge cabinets. Wallace's Farmer is one of the most widely circulated farm papers in the West and its in fluence in the present campaign is by no means negligible in that section. A linguistic congress has assembled at Istanbul at the call of President j Mustapha Kemal to reform the Turkish language, the program in cluding the substitution of words of Turkish origin for Arabic and Pen sion words now in common use. For instance, the archaic Turkish "Tchalap" is to replace the Arabic "Allah." It seems like a strain on habits of reverence. University of Pittsburg students, it appears, have been requested to sign a pledge of loyalty to the Unit ed States and to the university, and of the some 7000 all but one has signed and only four have protested the pledge. The red menace there appears to have been exaggerated. Senator Brookhart's new Progres sive party follows precedent in being established in the particular interest of the candidacy of one man--like the Progressive party of Roosevelt and the Progressive party of I.a Fol lette. Is there an omen in it? ACTING GOVERNORS Precedents and Practice In Massa chusetts History To the Editor of The Republican: Mayor McKee of New York city is reported to be puzzled to define his official status with exactness. Is he mayor; or is he president of the board of aidermen, acting mayor? The Republican is reminded of the case of Vice-President John Tyler who. upon the death of President William Henry Harrison, assumed the higher office with the title "President." That is what the Virginian called himself and the precedent thus estab lished has been followed in all later cases of a vice-president succeeding to a vacancy in the office of Presi dent. I am reminded ot the case of Fred eric T. Greenhalge. our governor who died in March, 1896, a few months after his inauguration. Roger Wolcott was lieutenant-governor and assumed the vacant office, taking the title 'lieutenant-governor, acting gover nor." I simply call attention to a his torical fact. I am not presuming to pass upon the meaning of the con troling provisions of the constitutions of the United States and of Massa chusetts and of the charter of greater New York. JOSEPH WARD LEWIS. Pittsfield, September 23, 1932. E^The Manual for the General Court gives some interesting history about acting governors of Massachu setts. While Roger Wolcott was the last one, the state has had seven in all, beginning in 1785 when Gov John Hancock was succeeded by Lieut-Gov Thomas Cushing as acting governor. Later came Acting Govs Samuel Adams, Moses Gill, Levi Lincoln, Mai is Morton, Thomas Talbot and Roger Wolcott. Levi Lincoln became acting governor because Gen William Health, elected governor in 1806, de clined to accept the office --a unique event in our history. Another unique event came in 1800 when Acting Gov Gill died and so the state was without a governor, a lieutenant-governor and an acting governor for 10 days, or until Caleb Strong could be in augurated governor. In the interval, the office of governor was constitu tionally administered by the gover nor's council. That could not be done now. for in case of the deaths of j both the governor and lieutenant-gov ernor, the succession would run to the I secretary of state, the attorney-gen era!, the state treasurer and the state auditor in line. WHY NOT TAUKLE LIVE ISSUES! To the Editor of The Republican:-- Two years ago our President signed the necessary protocol for our full participation in the work of the In ternational Court of Justice. Obviously if this long-suffering world is ever to be freed from the barbarous idiocy of war the settlement of international troubles by appeal to justice is its one hope. It took 17 years for our Senate to pass the pure food bill; for how many decades is its ratification of Hover's signing of the World court protocol to be delayed? Will our would-be senators state their views and intentions? As to our full entry into the League of Nations, in which we are annually taking larger part in various ways, are we to continue justifying our fail ure to take full participation in its benefits by misapplying George Wash ington's phrase as to "entangling al liances'? The League of Nations is I distinctly an institution for the dis entangling of this old world's perplexi ties by peaceful methods. In this our I day of modern methods of warfare, i poison gas and incendiary bombs, dropped on world capitals by air- I planes flying miles overhead, any in stitution that would avert resort to such devilish devices should be most I welcome to any sane society. EDWARD BERWICK. Pacific Grove, Cal., Sept. 22, 1932, AGAINST SALES TAX To the Editor of The Republican:-- There is a great drive of propa ganda going on in behalf of a sales tax. Do not let us be fooled by pretty phrases. We are told that it would produce "ample revenue." This means that it would take a huge sum of money out of the public. We are told our system of taxation ought to be "more broadly based." This means that tax ation ought to be extended to those of our people who are so poor that they have hitherto been exempt from direct taxes. Finally, we are told that this would be a "painless" way to raise the money. As if there would be no pain when a man so poor that ne can hardly live has to pay a few cents extra on every little purchase he makes! It is a eruel humbug. ALICE STONE BLACKWELL. Chllmark, September 24, 1932. DISAPPOINTING PRODIGIES [Henry Morton Robinson in College i Humor.] Fortunately for the race, the true intellectual prodigy is extremely rare. In the last 20 years the American college has produced only two prodi gies of the first magnitude, and it has been my peculiar fate to be more or less intimately associated with both of them. Having observed both these eases at work and at play, I've come to the conclusion that I'd rather have a child run away and Join a flea circus than have him turn out to be a child prodigy. CHANGE BY CONVENTION Further Consideration of Methods of Amending the Federal Constitution To the Editor of The Republican:-- To the complexity of reasons out lined by John L. Sundean ot Minne apolis that might block the carrying out of the Republican and Demo cratic platform proposals that a new amendment pertaining to the liquor question be ratified by the state con vention procedure, Edward B. Dun ford, general counsel of the Antisaloon league, in his legal summary that you appended to the letter which I sent you and which appeared on the 20th. points out an additional collection of I obstacles that also might prevent the i voters ot this country from ex -1 pressing themselves directly upon this i national policy. He states that this procedure lacks precedent, and The I Republican in its editorial comment j warns the wets of the complications that may arise out of this new and untried process of amending the con- I stitution of the United States. There is an element of Irony when such meticulous sensitiveness for a lack ot precedent is displayed at this time when the people are being of fered the opportunity directly to cor rect a national peril. This is an age of direct action by the people upon laws and upon men. Why preclude this direct and popular constitutional provision out of use until this day? Whereas the federal constitution has never been amended by the state convention procedure, there is a. strong precedent for the policy of this procedure embodied in the con stitution itself. The Articles of Con federation of the United States ot America, that the people of the states unsuccessfully attempted to live under from 17S1 tn 1788, evidently had a higher regard for state legislatures than had the makers of our consti tution. Under the articles of confed eration. amendment by state conven tions was not mentioned. Ratification had to be by state legislatures; any alteration in the articles required the I confirmation of the legislature of; every state. The makers of the constitution re laxed the rigidity ot this philosophy and specified three-quarters of the legislatures, and also offered popular ratification by three-quarters of state conventions. They very much recog nized the philosophy of the conven tion method, because they definitely specified that the constitution should be ratified by at least nine conven tions in the states to make possible the establishment of the constitution between the states so ratifying the same. Therefore, on a broad philosophy pertaining to the funda mental law they disregarded legis latures and stipulated conventions. If the proposed procedure is selected by the Congress of the United States there will be no basic breaking down of precedent. If Congress passes an amendment down to state legislatures for ratifica tion, by its action it leaves the matter indefinitely to the discretion of suc ceeding legislatures. With the 18th amendment Congress unconstitution ally tried to control the indefiniteness of the ratification by state legisla tures by putting a time limit on the amendment. Mr Dunford asks, "Who will call the state conventions?" It is quite clear in article 5 of the constitution that the Congress does not necessarily expect the state legislatures to do this. I understand that the delegates to the convention that framed the constitu tion referred it to the Congress and recommended that the state legis latures be advised to call the state conventions for the ratification pro ceedings. This, however, does not have to be done at this time If the Con gress believes that it is inadvisable and should consider another manner of setting up the conventions in the states to carry out the national will. From the statements made by Mr Dunford regarding the impeding pos- j sibilities of state legislatures it would j indeed be a risky procedure if tried. If it is maintained tha.t the state: legislatures are the only medium by which state conventions can be called then the state legislatures would i have the power to annul by their inaction the carrying out of the convention method as set forth in article 5. a power that they do not have, because the sovereign states with their sovereignty have ac cepted the federal constitution as the basic governmental authority of the nation. Article 5 manifestly and in herently gives the national Congress the constitutional power to call the state conventions into existence, be cause the source of the national power is the constitution of the i United States and the Congress is the legal medium through which it j works to carry out the national poli cies of its government and the neces sary details that go with it. Mr Dunford believes that especially 1 in these trying times there will be many states which will retuse to incur the expense of calling state conven- tions. To raise such a point of thrift respecting the carrying out of the people's will regarding such a mo i mentous subject as the deciding of i the liquor question, In the face of the municipal, county, state and national i extravagances which are bewildering I and crushing down the people of this country, is a point of view that is rather beyond comprehension. The people of this country through the loss of revenue that could come from the liquor business, the high prices that people pay for the beverages that s they consume, and the large amount the people contribute for the enforcing of the 18th amendment must repre sent yearly a sum of money that is many, many times in excess of the cost that would be entailer. In offer ing the people the opportunity for the first time to mage a decision re specting this vital national policy. A convention In a state need not be composed of more delegates than the number of presidential electors In a state. The cost and effort of this pro i cedure will not he the monetary and I physical strain that will break the nation. Upon the supposition that the fed eral power cannot carry out through the Congress the setting up of the vehicles of state conventions, and granting that since the constitution was adopted by the states all kinds of obstacles have been created In the states to throw the states out of .har mony with the national instrument, is It true that these hurdles are in surmountable, or that they cannot be removed? Eight years ago, four years ago, most people felt that the two major political parties would not swing into tins as swiftly as they did. The pressure ot the voters and the press of this country forced the two major parties to commit them selves. With this precedent estab lished it is extremely improbable that the complications of the govern mental machinery of the states will not shortly be. set aside with the on rushing tide that is tremendously in creasing in momentum from day to day. It is inconceivable that with the plethora ot legal talent in attendance at the recent national conventions the Republican party and the Democratic party in convention as sembled have proposed to the Con gress of this country and to the peo ple of this nation a procedure of ratification that is impracticable, in terminable and impossible. J. R. LEWIS. Holyoke, September 26, 1932, TAXES AND CAPITALISM Economic and Moral Weakness ot the Present System Urged To the Editor of The Republican:-- John Sturgis Codman. bewails the present economic situation and warns us that, "whether we like the idea or not, we are at present going in the direction of socialism." He fur ther appeals to business men and wage earners to forget their imagin ary differences and act together to retain their freedom before it is too late. A very earnest plea indeed! The means to divert the present trend toward socialism and effectively retain our liberty is ostensibly con tained in the "Pittsburg plan," which is: The taxation rate, per SIOOO valua tion upon land to be double the sum levied upon buildings. Mr Codman claims that we tax building values heavier than we do land values and suggests that if this were reversed, prosperity would bloom and liberty would be safe. Does it make a difference to me when, for instance, I am to pay $75 taxes, $25 being for land and SSO for buildings, if the bill is changed to read SSO for land and $25 for build ings? No, not to me, but to Mr Cod man it seemingly does. The plain fact is that the govern ment, municipal or federal, has de veloped and branched out into a variety of institutions, all of which function as though they were organic; they are determined to perpetuate themselves and they thrive upon our social body by means of taxes. A given budgetry sum is required for police, fire, school, highway and other departments; that sum is raised by taxation. The proposition is plain and it matters not how the sum is raised. The present dilemma is not the high cost of manufacturing due to high taxes upon buildings. The main dif ficulty in this debacle is that money with which to buy our needs is lack ing and for the same reason there is no way to earn it This difficulty is the direct and inevitable result of the capitalist profit system, wherein the money that represents commodity values, (which alone is imbued with buying power), is appropriated by the powerful rich. In order to prevent crisis, this money must be kept in circulation so that it will give em ployment to all. How do the capitalist class dis charge this task? They spend lavishly and live luxuriously; they convert many of us into their servants and lackeys: they convert some into poli ticians; others live by night clubs and gambling; still others by graft, and thievery. This is the only way a parasitic system can flower. Yet this system would go on indefinitely and would never be condemned on moral grounds; it would be sung, praised and blessed (as it is), if only it could embrace the last one ot us. But it can not. It is that inability that presages the coming of a change to socialism, the significance ot which is not alone economic but overwhelm ingly more so moral. GEORGE NIESIN. Westfield, September 21, 1932. CANDIDATE AGAINST BINGHAM j To the Editor of The Republican:-- The record and experience of Prof j Milton Conover of Yale university in- I dicate that he is a worthy opponent of Senator Bingham, and well- equipped to enter political life. He is a teacher and exponent of the science and practice of government; saw foreign service in the World war and in reconstruction after the war; is intimately connected with govern ment problems at Washington. Leaders of the Independnet Repub lican party of Connecticut insist that Prof Conover stands for far more than opposition to Senator Bingham and that his active campaign will re veal that he stands four-square for needed reforms and progress in state and national problems. They invite careful attention to the platform of I the Independents. They believe that Milton Conover will, prove a formid able opponent of both Senator Bing ham and Candidate Lonergan, as the people come to realize hu superior equipment for entrance to the United States Senate. The Independents do not for one moment concede that they are fore doomed to defeat, or that their ob jectives are only negative. Under the able and informing leadership of Mil ton Conover and of Albert Levitt (whose record In recent yeans has become a part of the history and progress of Connecticut) the Inde pendents are out to win, confident that as the electors of Connecticut realize the need of better government in and for Connecticut this new party will command public confidence and sup port. ALLEN B. LINCOLN. Hartford. Ct., September 24, 1932. THE "UNTOUCHABLES" To the Editor of The Republican:-- In the press dispatches from India, Dr B. M. Ambedkar is described as "the leader of the untouchables." At trie round-table conference Gandhi denied his right to that title. He de clared that the majority of the un touchables were with him (Gandhi), and that this would be proved con clusively if a referendum could he taken. The Indian "delegates" to the round-table conference were not chosen by the people whom they were supposed to represent. All of them, in cluding Dr Ambedkar, were appointed by the British viceroy. Dr Ambedkar Is the same man who, with a small group of untouchables, staged a hostile demonstration against Gandhi at the wharf, on his return from Eng land--a proceeding which was not in good taste, to say the least. ALICE STONE BLACKWELL. Chllmark, September 25, 1932. FARM SITUATION What "Intelligent" Farmers Demand--Failure to Unite on Adequate Program To the Editor of The Republican:--• Farmers are going to have reliel either by ballots or by violence. Gov Roosevelt is playing with dynamite if he does not have definite legislation in mind to fulfill the vague promises he made to agriculture in his Topeka address. Parmens are now in no mood to be trifled with. In the 1928 cam paign Mr Hoover told the farmers that If they would vote for him he would call a special session pt Con gress to put agriculture on an equal ity with industry. The farmers know too well that his Congress passed the Smoot-Hawley tariff bill that plunged agriculture deeper into the mire, de stroying the world market on which they sold and raising the prices ot manufactured articles which they pur chased. Many farmers are rebellious. They are ready for social revolt, as t'he methods used in the farmers' strik« indicate. These farmers have their backs to the wall. They feel that nothing could be worse than the sit uation in which they now And them selves. A few more dramatic mortgage sales of farms which have been held by the same family for two or three generations will start the explosion. American farmers will not accept peasantry without a struggle in the spirit of 1776. The tragedy is that the farmers have no adequate eco nomic or political program and are not united in their demands. The co operatives are opposing the strike be cause It means the cancelation of their contracts and the destruction of years of effort. The strike is bound to have valuable indirect results, however, in the increase ot organiza tion among farmers and the atten tion it draws to their plight. To meet the present situation in telligent farmers are demanding tax relief for farm property, generous rural credit by refinancing small farm owners by the federal govern ment at low interest rates on the amortization plan, the creation ot a federal marketing agency, the lower ing of tariffs and cost of production price for their products. The Democratic candidate for Pres ident proposes to meet the need by a five-fold program calling for reorgan ization of the United States depart ment ot agriculture, a definite policy looking to the planned use ot the land, the reduction and more equitable dis tribution of taxes, the refinancing ot farm mortgages and tariff readjust ments. The program is much more liberal and definite than that of Mr Hoover, but will it meet the situa tion and satisfy the farmers? Gov Roosevelt promises tax re lief primarily by reduction of ex penses through reorganization of lo cal and county government. He makes no reference to higher income and in heritance taxes on wealth in the higher brackets ns a replacement feature and a method ot bringing about a more equitable distribution of wealth. His position on this point will not satisfy intelligent farmers. Equally Mr Roosevelt's position on the refinancing of farm mortgages is indefinite. Evidently the bankers and not the federal government are to do the refinancing. Farmers have had bitter experiences with the bankers and will not trust any program that is left to them. Gov Roosevelt evidently still be lieves in the effectiveness of the tariff. Many farmers do. Increasingly, how ever, during a recent western trip, I found farm leaders questioning the tariff. The farmers' strike is a glaring illustration. No great econo mist in this country will support the governor in believing that tariffs are of any value to agriculture. HOWARD Y. WILLIAMS, Director, League for Independent Political Action. New York city, Sept 19, 1932. LINCOLN AND HOOVER Parallel Found In Conditions Near the Close of Their First Terms To the Editor of The Republican:-- History shows that the situation which confronts the nation at the present time Is in some respects analogous to the political campaign preceding the reelection of President Lincoln. The Democratic party, then as now, was bitterly opposed to the administration. The war that was be ing waged to suppress the rebellion was termed a failure, and this, too, at a time when the great command ers Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Thomas and others --were preparing to strike a crushing blow and lead the Union armies to victory and the nation to peace In the civil strife. Aspersion was rife and nothing seemed too harsh to say of Lincoln by his enemies, just as is being done with President Hoover in this presi dential campaign. Those Democratic leadens, however, were unable to mis lead the majority of the voters and President Lincoln was reelected. Times, of course, have changed and different issues are now before the country. But the same old tactics are being used now as in 1864, and there is little doubt that upon second se rious thought a majority of the voters this year will stand behind President Hoover as the men of the Civil war period stood behind Lincoln. It would seem as though every evil Influence was arrayed against the President--the bootlegger, the gang ster, the racketeer and the political charlatan. A victorious Democracy would mean a victory for these ele- ments. Imagine the condition of the country under such rule! It is generally admitted that the present depression is due to economic conditions. President Hoover is blamed for a situation over which he has had no more control than the humblest citizen. Notwithstanding this, he has approached the situation in a masterly way and has used govern mental machinery so effectively that the day of better things has dawned. And if the Improvement already be gun is not Impeded by foolishness on the part of the voter for a change, there is every reason to believe that normal conditions will again prevail in the near future. But the country cannot continue at the high-pressure speed which pre vailed during the years following the World war. A lower level must be reached both as to labor and the cost of living. Business and Industry are now upon a new basis, and on the ex tent to which the problem of em- ployment can be met will depend the future welfare of all the people. The present Republican administra tion Is working along the right lines. To place a Democratic administration, in power, having uo well-deflned policies and without the necessary ex perience in national and international matters, would be like sending a ship to at a without a rudder. WILLIAM H. PRICE. Washington, D. C„ Sept. 20, 1932. HAITIAN OCCUPATION Why the Legislature Opposes the New Treaty with the United States To the Editor of The Republican:--- The unanimous rejection by th« Legislature of Haiti of the new treaty which has been drawn up by the United States government is only one additional episode in a series that constitute a discreditable page in the history ot our foreign relations. The attitude, ot the Haitian people toward the new document is readily understandable. What was hailed by official Washington and by certain sections of the press as a. "Haltlaniza tlon" of military and other services in the republic of Haiti, really ex tends the iron financial domination exercised by the United States over that country, in the interest of Amer ican bankers. A loan imposed upon Haiti in 1922 over the protest, as the Nation ot the. 21st rightly observes, "of every articulate Haitian," carrying with it control of Haitian government affairs in the interest ot American holders of the loan, is now to be fortified by an extension of that control. The entire foreign indebtedness of Haiti, serving as the basis for this continued invasion ot a peaceful na tion, amounts to $14,150,000. European nations may default upon their debts. South American nations may cease entirely to pay interest upon their bonds. But the black republic of Haiti, which desires to refund the loan in its entirety, is obliged to submit to the United States dictation and dom ination, until every cent is paid. Furthermore, as the World-Tele gram has pointed out, the treaty which nominally provides for con tinuance of the American dictatorship until the repayment of the loan in 1942 leaves the door open to further extension of this tyranny in case there should be further funding. This is a travesty upon the pro testations of Mr Hoover that we would withdraw, as soon as possible, from our tyrannical and unjustined Haitian adventure. It is to be hoped that American public opinion will in sist that in this instance we come within measurable distance of prac ticing what we profess; and insist that American investors in foreign countries be denied the use of the United States armed forces and dip lomatic chicane in guaranteeing in vestments which are made at their own risk and theirs alone. American public opinion in partial reparation of the long and grievous wrongs done to Haiti, ought to Insist upon the prompt negotiation of a new treaty restoring full self-government to this Negro republic. HERBERT .1. SELIGMAN, Director of Publicity, National As sociation for the Advancement of Colored People. New York city, Sept. 21, 1932. ANOTHER ••HAPPY WARRIOR" To the Editor of The Republican: It has often been said there is noth ing new under the sun. In 1928 when the sobriquet "Happy Warrior'' was given to Alfred E. Smith it has been in the mind of the writer he had seen the same name applied to another, but only today, glancing over Bowers's ■'Jefferson and Hamilton,'' he found the name given to Oliver Wolcott on page 332. Wolcott's father had been governor of Connectciut and the son, after graduating at Yale, felt a desire to enter political life. He fell under the eye of Hamilton and when Hamilton, left political life he persuaded Pres ident Adams to place Oliver Wolcott as secretary of the treasury, where, while ostensibly in sympathy with Adams, he was in secret correspond ence with Hamilton. Wolcott was a fine looking man, a prime favorite with the ladies and of a sunny dis position, from which he was dubbed the Happy Warrior. History tells us he was a thoroughly selfish man and would do anything for his own ad vancement G. M. F. Conway, September 22, 1932. THOUGHTS ON ECONOMY To the Editor of The Republican;--- An important question in connec tion with economy in government is that of the cost of distribution of our principal commodities. For example, the price of coal at the mines and ths cost to the consumer are at variance, also the price of oil at its source and the ultimate cost to the consumer, and the same with othe- products. The situation suggests consideration of government regulation, either by state supervision relative to prices, or national supervision. Economy of a constructive nature is not to be condemned, but when it is prompted by selfish or partisan motives and gratuities or other il legitimate revenue are not restricted or suppressed it becomes farcical and in equitable. Before the spirit of econ omy is made applicable to the salary and wage question, there is a service to be performed In correcting our so cial problems--the problems of graft and racketeering. WILLIAM 11. BASTION. Somerville, September 24, 1932. MEET MR DUFFIN To the Editor of The Republican:-- Having known for the past 11 years Harold Jay Duffin of Lenox, success ful Democratic candidate In the 4th Berkshire district for the Great and General Court in yesterdays pri maries, this present write.' strongly urges his support and election at the polls next November. Mr Duffin Is a young man of exceptional ability, sound judgment and personal charm, whose election to the Massachusetts Legislature, especially at this most critical period in state and nation, cannot fall to redound to the political and material welfare of this common wealth and its citizens. Therefore, again, this writer most respectfully and most earnestly urges all quali fied voters, regardless of political par tisanship, to support and elect Mr Duffin on the first Tuesday after the first Monday next November. Vots for Duffin! Make it unanimous! A. B. H. Stockbridge, September 21, 1932,