Reception (13)

Roosevelt could not duck Landon's NRA question; he had 'given pretty clear indication that he is not thru' and should say so now rather than face a broken-promise charge later.

It would be better to face it now than to duck until after election and then, if he tries to return to the principles of NRA, be confronted with another broken-promise charge.

Relief recipients feared open postcard ballots could identify their votes; WPA foremen collected ballot cards -- relief seen as a political machine.

it is reported that foremen on W. P. A. units asked the men to bring their ballot cards to a central place to be sent in.

Upstate New York workers, discovering the payroll tax, were shifting to Landon in an eleventh-hour protest; the administration's reply that employers also pay made matters worse once workers learned the employer rate would rise to 3 percent.

It is an eleventh hour shift to Lan don as a protest by laboring men who are discover ing what the New Deal means to them concretely In terms of the new pay roll tax.

Workers' pay will be docked to build 'a phantom reserve fund' any Congress can spend; the President will not say whether workers get back what they put in.

they will have their pay docked for the purpose of building up a phantom reserve fund--a fund that any future Congress can spend any time it sees lit and lor any purpose It sees fit.

Roosevelt would read re-election as a mandate to carry on the New Deal; his 'I welcome their hatred' spirit meant new moves would face microscopic examination.

Obviously, the President looks forward to his re-election as mandate to carry on the New Deal.

All major polls but the Digest predicted Roosevelt; Gallup gave Landon only Maine, Vermont and New Hampshire.

The American Institute of Public Opinion poll conducted by George Gallup gives Landon only three sure states. Maine, Vermont and New Hampshire

Even with a Roosevelt victory, a conservative coalition of both parties might control Congress and check 'drastic regulation'.

ONTROL of both houses of Congress would seem to be I assured to a coalition of eon servatlve Democrat and Re publicans.

The Digest's error -- 39 points on the margin -- came from sampling and non-response bias; Gallup's 50,000-person quota sample was within 1.4 points.

George Gallup 's American Institute of Public Opinion achieved national recognition by correctly predicting the result to within 1.4%, using a much smaller sample size of just 50,000.

The triumph was a vote of confidence in a man, not in principles; the Constitution and the Supreme Court remained the two obstacles to 'the presidential will to power.'

Two obstacles still Interpose. They are the Constitution •nd the Supreme Court.

Voters believed 'in his hands Democratic traditions and our Constitutional system are safe' -- the assumption the court bill would break.

It is clear that people like Hr. Roosevelt, regardless of party .leanings, approve his humanitarian tf>olicies and have faith that in his hands Democratic traditions and our .Constitutional system are safe.

Post-election judgment that the pay-envelope campaign, the campaign's 'sensation', failed to move the labor vote.

Ijast week Its local membership* through alliances with the New Deal and Federal political machines, did not divide the labor vote between the two parties, but marshaled from 80 to 90 per cent on the Roosevelt side.

Roosevelt owed his victory to a 'Popular Front' led by radicals and would turn further left; 'millions who voted for Mr. Roosevelt are due for a sharp awakening.'

It is to men of the stripe of Du binsky, Antoninl, Ia Guardia, Norris and Lundeen, if not at once to Brow der, that Mr. Roosevelt will turn for counsel.

Despite the Syracuse repudiation, the Tribune still counted Browder among those Roosevelt might turn to.

if not at once to Brow der, that Mr. Roosevelt will turn for counsel.