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William Allen White on the election (Springfield Weekly Republican, Nov. 5, 1936, p. 9)
springfield weekly republican (springfield, mass.) 1851-1946 · 1936-11-05 · news_article · loc · 42996 chars · original · plain text
Springfield weekly Republican (Springfield, Mass.), November 5, 1936, p. 9. Chronicling America, Library of Congress. http://www.loc.gov/resource/sn83020847/1936-11-05/ed-1/?sp=9 (OCR text).
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News of the Colleges Bigger and Better College Riots Favored by William Allen White 'Sage of Emporia' Thinks Students Should Have Fling As Radicals While Young, Then Grow Conservative Special Dispatch to The Republican Boston, Oct. 28--Declaring that the youth of the land is too conservative and that he'd like to see bigger and better college riots, William Allen White, dean of American editors, sometimes known as the sage of Em poria, today mourned the dearth of literature from "typical prairie states." analyzed present-day newspapers and said that while he supported Gov Landon, he was not a member of his board of strategy. "I am a little appalled sometimes," he said, "when I see students in col lege more conservative than their fathers. It's rather sad when you see a freshman who is a Hoover Demo crat. I like the English way where people are radical when young and conservative when old." Not Talking Politics Asked what he thought of Gov Lan don's chances in the coming election, the man who played a prominent part in "discovering" the Republican can didate, said, "I don't want to talk politics. All I'll say is that 1 have seen Landon but three times since last June, afid I'm not a member of his strategy board. I am not par ticipating in his campaign." "Is journalism still a good career for a young man?" a representative of a college newspaper asked. "Why yes, I think it is." "Do you mean to say that the press is still what it was in the days of Waterson and Pulitzer and Dana and Bennett and Scripps and Greely to name but a few of the great editors of the past?" "Well, I--have you a pencil? I think better with my fingers." The group had been sitting near the head of the stair/ on the second floor of the Harvard club and now Sweeps Winners in U. S. Faced With Sudden Riches More Than 30 Lucky Ones Pitied by Man Who Won $20,000 in 1931 --'I'm Going to Have at Least 15 More Children,' Says N. J. Woman New York, Oct 28--(AP)--The wheel of fortune spun dizzily in the 19th Irish Hospitals sweepstakes to day and left more than 30 winning ticketholders in the United States contemplating the heady vision ot sudden riches. Nine tickets, worth $150,000 each, were held in this country on Dan Oulger; six tickets, carrying prizes of $75,400 each, on the place horse, Daytona;'and,seven bri Laureat 11. which ran third. Stubs on the show horse were worth $50,000 apiece. Because some ot the tickets were held pointly by more than one per son, at least 34 Americans will share in the $2,160,000 total, Quincy Brothers Among Lucky The winners: On Dan Bulger--Charles and Frank Kranefuss, brothers of Quincy. Mass.; "North" of Northbend, O.; Carl J. Nelson, Philadelphia machinist; James Short ot Portage, Pa.; Mar garet Cunner of Brooklyn; Mrs Percy H. Hooker of West Durham, N. C.; 10 women employed in an Edgewater, N. J., dry cleaning plant: Nick Daras and Joseph Butler ot San Francisco and William Schrie bern of Syracuse, N. Y. On Daytona--P. Ryan of Chicago; Celia Jillson of Providence. R. I.; Anna Rihl of Rumson, N. J.; A. I. Goldberg and his sister, Mrs Ray Kaplan of Brooklyn; Herman Moses of Brooklyn and Mrs Sarah Ellen berg, the Bronx. On Laureat ll--John Thermos of Cicero, III.; Dorothy Reid ot New York; August C. Krieger of Union City, N. J.; A. M. Schutzman of Baton Rouge, La.; Mrs Hazel Stark ot Pittsburg; Tullio Franclotti ot New York and George Corrado of New York. The Youngest Winner The youngest ot the winners ap peared to be 16-year-old Jimmy Short ot Portage, Pa., who yelled, "Hot dog" when he learned he had won $150,000. His mother, a widow, said she would pay the taxes on their home and decide later what to do with the rest of the money. News ot their good fortune met various reactions among the win- ners. At his workbench in a Philadelphia electric plant, Carl Nelson said, "Well, that's good." He had sold a half interest in his ticket for SIO,OOO, which, he pointed out, "is a lot of money these days." On the other hand, "the 10 girls" working in the Edgewater (N. J.) dry cleaning plant, who had pooled their nickels to buy one ticket, went into paroxysms of joy. Their boss called It a holiday, the mayor of Edgewater was summoned, a bottle or two was produced, and a thou sand things that money can buy were discussed at length. "It's Florida and a little vacation for me," said Margaret Hanuseck. "Then back to work." Plans "18 More Chllilren" "Hurray, hurray, I'm going to have at least 15 more children." said Mrs Julia Sakewitz. (She now has five). At Durham, N. C., Mrs Percy Hooker was almost speechless at the good news. "I hardly know what to say," she said, "we are so happy." Her hus band said he would keep his job in a furniture store. The San Francisco winners were Nick Daras, a case operator, and Joseph Butler, a construction fore man. Daras said he would take a trip to Europe. Butler planned to save most of hts share. Trust funds will be established by Charles and Frank Kranefuss, BORAH WINDS UP TIGHT OF LIFETIME' Boise, Idaho, Nov. 2--(AP)--Sena tor William E. Borah campaigned up to the final gun tonight in.his elec tion "fight of a lifetime." Despite blustery weather, the 71-year-old in dependent Republican left his Boise home for Coeur d'Alene in North 'da ho. His speech there tonight marked the end of perhaps his most hard fought campaign. In the general election campaign he came to grips with one of the most redoubtable vote-getters in state his tory--the only native son over to teach the governor's chair, the only it followed Mr White as he moved through the rooms in search of a table. Under the spreading antlers of an elk's head on the wall, he drew up a chair to a table, asked, "Is the pencil soft?" adjusted his rim less spectacles and began writing. Discusses Newspapers "In the newspaper business in the last 50 years great changes have come," the editor wrote. "I'm not sure they are progressive, nor am I certain that they are retrogressive. These changes are the result of eco nomic and social changes. Ownership of newspapers has gone the way of ownership in other industries. The corporation has replaced the individ ual. For instance. 50 years ago a score of really distinguished editors flourished in New England. They were contemporarious of a score of great captains of industry, barons of textiles, railroads and paper in this region. "The baronial holdings have become units of vast amalgamated commodity industries. The newspapers are oper ated by business corporations. The moral turpitude involved in these changes of editorial control cannot be assessed offhanded. We have made some gains. Salaries of newspaper workers are higher, jobs perhaps more secure, the Saturday ghost walk which was uncertain because of busi ness difficulties in the eighties and nineties no longer troubles the em ployes. "They had a little more freedom, perhaps, but the man who owned the mortgage 50 years ago was no stickler for ethics. It simmers down to this--on a guess: The newspaper business is just about as honest as the population it serves." Quincy, Mass., brothers, who expect to keep on working. Cincinnati, Oct. 28 --(AP)--Those nine Americans who held $150,000 winning tickets on Dan Bulger in the Irish sweepstakes today got only pity from a man who cashed $20,000 on the 1931 English derby. As he sent his elevator up and down in the 12-story Keith building. William Coyle mused over the events of the last five years and concluded: "I pity anyone who was lucky as I was." He talked willingly to an inter viewer whenever they were alone in the car, but spoke only in generali ties when passengers were aboard. It took five round trips to complete his tale of the misfortune that dogged him since he netted the $20,000. Most of Money Gone Most of the money now is gone. Coyle wouldn't say how much. "I'd always wanted to have my own business," he said between floors. "But you know what the depres sion did." A garage proved unprofitable and a restaurant ate another slice from the $20,000 nest egg. Coyle invested in real estate too, but the market wasn't so good. Oh, yes, he and his wife and two children got some pleasure out of the money. They took a trip and saw something of the country as far North as Canada. But last February. Coyle returned to operate the elevator. He worked at that job for 11 years before he quit after winning the $20,000. Beware of Friends, He Advises Out of it all, he framed a bit of advice for others who might win large sums: "Tell them not to pay any at tention to all the 'friends' who come around. As soon as they hear the news, they show you lots of respect and call you Mr Smith and Mr Jones. They are always willing to help you and to do things for you. You see what I mean? "I had a good time those five years and I got my job back--but if I dver win anything again, you may be sure I'll run things differently. I'll keep my job and put the winnings in the bank, where I'l| still have it." Dan Bulger Is Popular Winner by Two Lengths Newmarket, Eng., Oct. 28--(AP) Stepping to the front 50 yards from home, Sir Abe Bailey's Dan Bulger scored a popular victory in the 97th running of the Cambridgeshire stakes today after a nervous crowd had watched outsiders make the running for the greater part of the mile and an eighth journey. The victory, scored by two lengths over Sir George Bullough's Davtona. was doubly popular, for Dan Bulger was by far the heaviest backed horse in the field of 22 at 7 to 1 and earned Sir Abe his third Cambridge shire triumph. Third place went to M. H. Benson's Laureat 2d, which missed runnerup honors by a head. Blow to Bookmakers Dan Bulger's triumph was a blow at the bookmakers, for upwards of s2s,ooo,ooo*had been wagered on the race with the greater part on Sir Abe's three-year-old Son ot Bulger. More than $8,000,000 was distributed in the Irish sweepstakes with hold ers of tickets on the winner receiv ing $150,000 each. Two American-owned horses. A. K. Macomber's Tempest 2d and Mrs Chester Beatty's Hypothesis, were In the race but only Tempest 2d was prominent in the running after the early stnges. He finished fifth, as Dan Bulger was clocked in 1.51 3-5 tinder 111 pounds. governor ever to hold the job three times, Democratic Charles Ben Roas. And today, reaching again for the Townsend vote, Ross promised flatly to vote tor the S2OO-a-month old-age pension plan It it "comes before the United States Senate while I am .sena tor." E. C. Davis, Idaho Townsend organ ization manager, claims 68.000 of Idaho's 220.000 possible votes. Elec tion officials estimate upwards of 190,000 will Aote tomorrow. ROYALIST GOEB~TO JAIL Paris, Oct. 29--Losing his appeal from a conviction of "inciting to political murder Charles Maurras. Royalist editorial writer of the "Actin Franchise." was condemned to prison today and begun serving an 11 months sentence. THE SPRINGFIELD WEEKLY REPUBLICAN;SPRINGFIELD, MASS.: THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1936 Recognition of Gen Franco's Dictatorship MADRID'S fate was impend ing through the week, with the rebel armies drawing steadily closer In spite of the brave but unskillfut-eounter-at tacks of the defenders. Its fall within a few days has been confidently pre dicted at rebel headquarters, but at this writing the final attack has not come, although the attackers at some points are within range If they care to shell Spain's greatest city. The expected capture of the capi tal will of course make a prodigious difference in the nature of the war and in the status of the contending forces, but appraisal of the conse quences may be deferred. It has some times seemed that the directors of Loyalist strategy were slow to realize the gravity of the menace to Madrid and the urgent need of concentrating effort upon defense of the capital. Crucial Importance of Madrid In some wars possession of the seat of government Is not of prime import ance and its defense should not be allowed to hamper strategy unduly. But in the present case the Loyalist high command has revealed no strategic aims of such military im portance as to justify any impairment of the defense of the capital. And on the other hand retention of the capi tal has in this case a crucial import ance. By virtue of its possession the defenders of the Spanish republic have hitherto enjoyed an advantage rare In Spanish history. As a rule the Liberals in Spain have been rebels against a reactionary government. It might easily have happened so in the present case, for after the fall of the monarchy and the establishment of the republic a slightly different fall of the cards might well have led to a coup d'etat, the suppression of the constitution and a dictatorship such as has lately been set up in Greece. To resist such an overthrow of the re public its defenders would from the first have had to take the role of rebels, with no legal standing. Or it might have happened that the rebels were able to seize Madrid as they had plotted in the insurrection which broke out suddenly last July. In that event the elected government would not merely have been at great military disadvantage through the capture ot the government depart ments by the rebels, but the latter would have been able to set up a plausible emergency government at the nation's capital which might quickly have won recognition. Initial Advantage of Loyalists L In escaping at the outset both of these not improbable disasters the republic had an extraordinary stroke ot lu^k, by the standards ot Spanish history, and its leaders may not at first have fully realized that neither luck nor the will of the majority was i enough. The Leftist government elected last February had such pow erful enemies at home and abroad j that the legality of its status was a priceless asset' which should have I been paramount in the shaping of i policy. This need now looms up ominously as the trained rebel armies plow through improvised Loyalist and daily draw nearer to the gates of the city. It is generally expected that its fall will be the signal tor recogni tion of the dictatorship of Gen Fran co as the Spanish government by Portugal, Italy, Germany, most of Latin America and perhaps most other countries. It cannot be known, to be sure, how far the reactionary governments ot Europe would have gone in the way of intervention if Madrid had been more strongly defended and the rebel war machine had bogged down. They MILITARY DESIGNS ON U. S. AIRCRAFT AREN'T FOR EXPORT Prospective British and Aus tralian Buyers to Be So Advised But Will Get Money's Worth, Report Washington. Oct. '2B--The British and Australian air ministries seeking to buy American military aircraft will be advised that certain features con tributing to the superior performance of these planes are not for export, it was learned today. More than a score of deslgps built Into the pursuit, observation and bombing planes under construction tor the army and navy are protected by the espionage act, which Imposes heavy penalties for their commercial use or betrayal to foreign powers, of ficers said. Caution has prevented patenting of these devices, the armed services fear ing the rough sketches accompanying the patent applications might lay the design open to piracy by foreign spies. Neither the army nor navy will in terpose objection to the sale to Brit ain or the dominions Of planes, the designs for which have come Into general commercial use, it was learned. Outright military aircraft are be ing sold regularly to China and va rious Latin-American governments, such models being those which the army and navy have had in use at least a year, however. Export of models under current production is prevented by the state ,de|>artmcnt s munitions control board. It issues no licenses for sales of planes abroad without approval of military and naval Intelligence officers, whose function is to guard against leakage of aircraft secrets abroad. Despite these export restrictions, of ficers of both services believe foreign powers entering the American air craft market will get their money's worth for every dollar spent. They said the models available for expor' are fully as efficient as the moat ad vanced designs in Europe. Possession of Capital of Crucial Importance--Defense of City Handicapped by Catalonian Separation-- Beginning of Attack Finds Loyalists Still Unpre pared--Stiff Fighting in Outskirts of Madrid-- Rebel Superiority in Arms--Russia Renews Pro test but Has Not Left International Committee By FRANCIS REGAL (Weekly Reviewlof World Affairs) would perhaps have stuck at nothing to upset a Leftist administration and instal a military dictatorship which could be counted on as a Fascist pawn in the great European struggle. The more strength the Madrid gov ernment displayed the greater might have been the outcry over the al leged bolshevik menace. Or the hor rors of a merciless civil war might have been made the pretext for in tervention. Intervention In 1836 By a coincidence which would be remarkable in the history of any other country, there was a civil war going on In Spain in 1836, and the atrocities on both sides stirred the British deeply. In the London Times Prof Woodward of Oxford recalls the discussion of intervention a century ago and brings out several points which have a bearing on the present situation. This was general agreement in the Lords and Commons that the war was being conducted with equal ferocity on both sides. One speaker described the combatants as "tigers and hyenas." The Duke of Willington proposed arranging for the exchange of prisoners, who would otherwise be murdered. This might almost be a picture of the present scene, and singularly relevant is a speech by Sir Robert Peel, who is criticising the govern ment's policy of intervention--Pal merston was then foreign minister-- used language which might well be used today, by France If not by Great Britain. "If interference was to be justified because we had an in terest that a free government should be established in Spain, a similar al legation might be made by the despotic governments of the conti nent as their justification for check ing the growth of nascent freedom in any of the states in their vicinity. Prussia or Austria, for instance, might allege, 'our interests are op posed to the establishment of de mocracy or the maintenance of popu lar government in the neighborhood of oUr territories, and on the same principles on which England, pos sessing a popular government and a free constitution, has interfered- in Spain to procure the establishment of a similar political system in that coun try, do we justify ourselves in pro moting a system of despotism and in crushing the first steps to establish a just and rational liberty.' Foes of Spanish Repnbiic Conditions in Europe are as inimi cal to freedom as they were 100 years ago, and it may be that the Spanish republic was doomed from the moment when the leftist coali tion won a victory at the polls. Still, the prestige of legal tenure is great, and Fascist foes were handicapped as they would not have been had the rebels held the capital. The Madrid government may not have fully real ized that while possession is nine points of the law, the law often falls far short ot being nine points of pos session. Causes of Military Shortcomings The republic had the capital, but to keep it was another matter, and precious time was lost by failure to protect this Initial asset by military action. From the military standpoint the conduct of the war by the Loyal ists has been a tragedy of errors, but it is fair to allow not only for their lack of military leaders and trained sol diers, but also for the prevailing po litical confusion and for the fact that Catalonia where Leftist support was most general, had long been hostile to Madrid and showed no such in terest in its defense as in regard to its own capital Barcelona. With separatism clashing with nationalism and the moderates in the government swamped by excited extremists of conflicting views, it is not very sur prising that Gen Franco was able to get to Madrid before its defenses were even halt organized. German-Italian Agreement History will be potently affected by the entente between Italy and Ger many which was negotiated a week ago at Berlin by the Italian foreign minister, Count Ciano. When these two countries supported each other so effectively during the controversies over the Ethiopian war and the re armament of Germany not a few ob servers jumped to the conclusion that they had secretly made an alliance, but they were merely chance part ners playing their cards together as one winning hand. An alliance is a different matter, and not even the understanding now negotiated goes so fa r as that, al though it covers points of deep con cerns not only to Italy and Ger many but to all Europe, and it may conceivably be extended later into a four-power alliance, taking in France and Great Britain which Mussolini has long sought as a modern equiva lent tor the old concert of Europe, in place of the League of Nations, which is not sufficiently exclusive for his taste. Recognition of Conquest of Ethiopia Part ot the bargain struck was Ger man recognitioti of Italy's Ethiopian empire, with German participation In Its economic development as a re ward, and this agreement has already borne fruit. It has caused no great stir, however, even at Rome, since in Germany's case no question of principle was involved, and the only point of interest was the price paid. Next in point of immediacy came the agreement reached in regard to Spain, and this was of far-reaching importance in several ways. This agreement falls into three parts: (1) Recognition of Gen Franco's dictator ship upon the fall of Madrid; (2) prevention of the establishment of a radical government in Catalonia, and (3) preservation of Spain's territorial integrity. Spain's Territorial Integrity Pledged Of these the last is perhaps of widest diplomatic import, for it is calculated to bring Great Britain into line in support of the Franco regime. The British had been worrying over circumstantial rumors of deals by which the rebels, in return tor Italian support, were to cede naval and air bases--an island in the Balearics and a port in Morocco were mentioned, and concessions to Germany were also feared, including the Canary islands. This is the kind of thing for which England will still fight, much as It desires peace. An island or so in the Mediterranean might not matter so much, but an impregnable Italian naval base near Gibraltar, and still more a German naval base in the Atlantic, which now is the main life line of the empire, the security of the Mediterranean route being dubious, would not be tolerated. Will Britain Recognize Franco Regime! Alienation of Great Britain is by no means desired by Mussolini and Hitler, and this public declaration, following rumors which may or may 'not have been artfully put in cir culation, is shrewdly designed to in fluence the British, who had been getting keyed up for a possible strug gle for the defense of their eastern empire. Already the wind is veering toward British recognition of the Franco dic tatorship, and it cannot be overlooked that the British Conservatives are in office and that a large fraction ot them, possibly the majority, have been in sympathy with the rebels. Forces pushing in the same direction are the sterile controversy over the international neutrality agreement, which recognition of Franco would make a dead issue, and Great Brit ain's controversy with the Spanish government over the latter's refusal to assent to an exchange of hostages. Madrid's note rejecting the British proposal reached London early in the week, and the British foreign minis ter, Anthony Eden, is said to have sent for the new Spanish embassador and reprimanded him sharply. But at London it was cynically supposed that this show of disappointment was merely a diplomatic preparation for the recognition of the rebel govern ment as soon as Gen Franco captures Madrid. The fuss made by Russia over the supply of arms to the rebels may merely have pushed Britain in the same direction; sham neutrality was coming to be a nuisance as well as j a farce. An Historical Parallel In some respects the German- Italian agreement for the territorial integrity of Spain may recall the similar agreement in regard to Rus sia which the allies adopted in 1919 at the insistence of President Wil son. Both in Europe and in the Far East there were powers which re garded Russia, after the fall of the czardom. as a derelict open to ex ploitation. The allies did not go so far as to restore to Russia the terri tories lopped off by Germany in the Brest-Litovsk treaty which they had denounced as infamous, but schemes for further partition were renounced. The parallel is imperfect, however, because the Berlin agreement goes beyond renunciation of territorial de mands on Spain and includes a re fusal to permit the maintenance of a separate popular Catalonian govern ment. This is the part of the Ger man-Italian entente which is most likely to have grave immediate con sequences. It amounts to a threat of active intervention to enable the Franco regime to complete immedi ately its conquest of the eastern provinces, leaving no foothold for democracy in Spain. A French Precedent for Intervention Oddly enough the closest historical precedent appears to be the Inter vention ot France in 1828. at the in stigation of the Holy Alliance, to overthrow the Spanish constitution, which the government had been forced to restore three years earlier. With the aid of the French army the despotism of King Ferdinand was re established and lasted until his death. Intervention to destroy the Barce lona government would cause dismay in those liberal circles in France tn which consolation for Inability to aid the Madrid government has been found In belief that Catalonia, border ing France on the Mediterranean side, would still be under a popular gov ernment and friendly to France even if the rest of the Iberian peninsula joined the bloc of dictatorships. Russia's Dilemma Much more deeply Involved, how. ever, are the sympathies of Soviet Russia, which has already lost in prestige among the workers of the world through its Inability to check Fascist help for the Spanish rebels. Both Moscow's angry denunciation of the neutrality agreement, which shocked the international committee at London, and its decision not to break away on that issue may be due to realization that the battle for Madrid was lost and that an even graver and more dangerous issue was taking shape as peril approached Catalonia. In that field 'also Russia is at a grave disadvantage because of Its re moteness. Spain, indeed, lies wholly outside the Russian sphere influence, which at its widest extension has not aspired beyond Constantinople. Italy and Spain, on the contrary, are neighbors who have been domineer ing over each other ever since the days of Julius Caesar, and for Mus solini to give potent aid to Dictator Franco would be a simple and easy matter, whereas the Soviets can hardly get a shipload of grain to Barcelona if the Italian navy forbids. The last stand of democracy tn Spain, it the Berlin accord is carried out, may be the grimmest and most menacing struggle seen in Europe since the World war. Spain's Tradition of Military Revolt Recent events have amply justified the forebodings of the English jurist and statesman, Henry Sumner Maine, who in 1885 pointed out the disastrous effects in Spain and her colonies of the tradition of military Intervention in politics. He found that between 1812 and the coronation of King Al- fonso in 1874 there were 40 military risings of a serious nature In Spain, the mob being sometimes with the army and sometimes opposed or in different. That Alfonso had kept his throne for 10 years he ascribed to "statesmanship of a novel kind; as soon as he has assured himself that the army is in earnest he changes his ministers." Recent events bear out the conclu sion of this British historian that "The more popular the civil institu tions, the harder it is to keep the army from meddling with politics. Popular gevernments have repeatedly been overturned by the army and mob in combination; but on the whole the violent destruction of these gov ernments in their more extreme forms have been effected by the army, while in their more moderate shapes they have had the more for their principal assailant. Militarism and Democracy Of the antagonism between de mocracy and the military tradition Maine says: "Military insurrections are made by officers, but not before every soldier has discovered that the share ot power which belongs to him as a Unit in a regiment is more val uable than his fragment of power as a unit in a constituency. Military re volts are of universal occurrence; but far the larger number have oc curred in Spain and Spanish-speaking countries. There have been ingenious explanations of the phenomenon, but the manifest explanation is habit A army which has once interfered in politics is un^er a strong tempta tion to interfere again. It is a tar easier and far more effective way of causing an opinion to prevail than going to a ballot box, and far more profitable to the leaders." While Maine found Spain the out standing example of the military men ace to democracy, he adds: "There is probably no country except the United States in which the army could not control the government, if it were all of one mind and if it re tained its military material." This question of the political power of armies has become far more crucial than it seemed to most people half a century ago, and its grave interna tional importance has lately been shown by the domination of Japan by its powerful and aggressive military machine. German-Italian Cooperation in Dannbian Basin If it were not for the immediate crisis in Spain, the outcome of which may change many things, the most important part of the German-Italian entente might appear to be the agree ment for cooperation in the Danubian basin. A few years ago this announce ment would have excited al! Europe prodigiously; now there may be a disposition to wait and see. Less than three years ago Hitler and Mussolini made a showy display of friendship, but only a few months later then fell out over the question of Austria, and some ot the duce's "8,000,000" bayonets were marched to the Bren ner pass for military intervention against any Nazi putsch at Vienna. Even if an understanding in regard to little Austria has been reached it can hardly have been possible tor the Berlin negotiations to have set tled permanently the rivalry between Italy and Germany in the area beyond the Adriatic, where their interests have clashed as sharply as those ot Russia and the German powers did beforp 1914. Pan-Germanism is as ag4 gressive and as insatiable as it was two decades ago, and it is only with in narrow limits that Mussolini and Hitler, both imperialistic dictation can pledge friendship and coopera tion. Revival Talk of Four-Power Treaty Both Germany and Italy have ties of material interest binding them to France and Great Britain, and if the French would break off their friend ship with Moscow Hitler might be willing to tall in with Mussolini's grand project for a tour-power treaty --Germany. Italy, Great Britain, France --to safeguard Europe, or the part of Europe which is not Russia. The Berlin visit ot Count Ciano may have greater Importance than most of the grandiose international confer ences which have been held since the World war. Whiting's Boston Letter Boston, Oct. 28 --The moat interest ing event in town the past week was the production of "Hamlet" by Leslie Howard and his company. We attended the Wednesday matinee-- the thrifty price, of course--and the big Boston Opera house was packed to the roof. There were few vacant seats --in fact, an application was made tor seats on the morning of the performance and at that time the box office had nothing but a few seats in boxes. The outside agents had a few seats, but not many. We mention first this large attend ance, oecause we hear it said so often that Shakespeare "does not pay." It pays when it is well done by an actor of reputation. "Hamlet" is always a drawing play. We shall not undertake a Criticism of the play, beyond saying that we believe the production as a whole to compare more than favorably with any in the past. The setting was Impressive, grim and admirable. Mr Howard went back to the time of the action, in Denmark, and undertook to portray Elsinore as it might have looked. The setting was massive, dark, rather gloomy; maybe Mr Howard brought to the stage show something he has learned in the mo tion picture wqrld--the magic of scenery and atmosphere, the power of the picture. In this "Hamlet" pro duction the audience is overswept at the rising of the curtain with a sense of doom and tragedy; the light is dim, the backgrounds vague, the castle forbidding. Gloom settles closer and closer; and the soldiers look like soldiers, and Jike men seriously at tentive to the tougher sides of their trade. There is in all this production hardly a touch of lightness or of light. The doom and the tragedy mount and mount to the elimax. It is this, the general atmosphere of the production, which most appealed to us as being just as it should be-- and rarely is. As for Mr Howard: He is not the greatest of the long line of Hamlets, but he does not offend. If we undertook to be critical--and every actor who portrays the role knows he must meet a chorus of fault-findings--we might say that his Hamlet is a cultivated upperclass Englishman. If he had attended Har vard he would have been a member of the Porcellian; in Boston he would have been of the Somerset club. A very meticulous gentleman. Here was no rough, wild, raging Hamlet, no Hamlet thirsting for his uncle's blood, no Hamlet straining to avenge the death of his father. Rather, he was a delicate, timid young man. not a weakling, but certainly of no robustness; he was appalled, harried, terrified by his father's ghost--this, rather than stirred to rage and revenge. He was thrust, hurried, pushed, forced, into the role of avenger against all his inclinations. almost resisting the pressure, but at last going to the bloody climax in a gesture ot despair and horror, and no joy in the work. That is the impression that Leslie Howard's Hamlet made on us. And what of that? It is an entirely ten able assumption that the unhappy prince of Denmark was just that In deed, such a timid Hamlet is very easy to believe. Would not a more ardent, suspicious, eager, virile prince have suspected the treachery and the murder earlier than he did? Would he have waited tor the appearance of his father's spirit before getting any understanding that there was something rotten in his state ot Den mark? So on the whole we find Leslie Howard's Hamlet very interesting, and worth continued thought. We would like to see him do it again, and likely shall. The local stage at the moment shows many signs of life, with a con siderable array of plays worth see ing--light and heavy and medium. Alla Nazimova has been here in "Hedda Gabler," which we did not see; not that we liked Mme Nazi mova less, but dreaded Ibsen more. There Is a nice difference among disagreable, plays. Ibsen's plays to us are very trying--what we know of them, which is by no means exhaus tive. They are harrowing. Yet we could and did sit through a con siderable succession ot trashy plays in the Bernhardt days, and the taw. driness and tragedy of Sardou did not disturb us. Which undoubtedly is a tribute to Ibsen. His plays harrow because they are so horribly close to what may be truth. The Sar dounics no more than pricked the skin. The Ibsen touch goes deeper, and wounds. Apart from the drama, we have had politics in the grand manner. Mr Roosevelt has been here--the President. We sat at a dinner some time last spring, and an amiable and impeccable lady who sat at our left referred pointedly to him, when It became necessary owing to the dis cussion about the table to refer to him at all, as "Mr Roosevelt--l NEVER think of him as a Presi dent!" What joy the Roosevelt haters get from their hatred! Whether or not the Republicans win the election, they ought to agree that Franklin Delano Roosevelt has given them a glorious summer ot discontent. The oiid thing is that with the making ot a President in process, so many Republicans should find so much more joy in hating Roosevelt than in adoring Landon. It has been a queer campaign. Well, the President has been here; and the masses ot cheering, jostling people brought back to our minds the only similar massing ot listeners we ever saw. and that was in 1896 when William Jennings Bryan talked on Court square in Springfield, and we stood in the crowd on Main street, by Smith Murray's store, out of the sight ot the speaker but within the range of his marvelous voice. And we also recall a speech Mr Bryan made at the Boston City club, not many years before his death, in which he said, in response to the hearty reception he received from the members, that he was always very popular In Massachusetts--except on election day. However, there is something differ ent from the Bryan frenzy In the crowds that go to see and hear By E. E. WHITING Roosevelt. In 1896 few of those who crowded about the Nebraskan gave any thought to the issuea So far as most of them knew, he had only one issue, which was the tree coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to I--and not 10 per cent of those who re peated parrot-like that phrase had the least conception of what it meant. Bryan was, in the East, alt personality and oratory, and issues hardly at all. We all thronged into and about Court square that day to hear his wondrous voice; and in November we went to the polls and voted pleasantly for William Mc- Kinley, whose oratory never flut tered a feather, but who. with ths sagacious piloting of Mark Hanna, got the votes, ours included. We voted for McKinley and "sound money" though we knew nothiiK about it. However, though Paesident Roose velt is a vivid personality, it is his philosophy of government which stirs i interest, quite as much as his speak- Ing ability. He is not a great orator; by the usual teats he is not an orator at aIL He is persuasive, smooth, effective, a master of psy chology. He talks with, rather than to, his audience. Do these vast crowds that greeted him in Massachusetts mean that the state will give him its electoral votes? No one knows. Until a fort night ago it was generally agreed among the smart observers who haunt the top of Beacon hill that i this state was set solid in- the Lan don column. These same observer* have changed their views lately, and now you can find many a hallway i prophet in the State House who wilt give his g'less the other way. One of our most distinguished citU zens, Edward A. Filene, has lately lectured, or talked, to a group ot church dignitaries in New York, and among the things reported of his ad dress was an assertion that "th* whole theory of rugged individualism is visionary and impractical" To snatch a phrase from its context is unfair, and what are Mr Filene's ideas about individualism, and just what he understands it to be--or what anyone understands it to be-- we do not know. However, some ot the most vision ary things are worth pursuing; A reign of peace on earth and good will among men is visionary, to be sure; and in the present state of the world's chancellories and halls of state and alleyways of ambition and pools of intrigue, it is fairly to be called impractical. Yet we all pursue it --as a theory, a goal, a dream, which everyone professes to want, yet which if everyone wanted we would have. Very likely individualism, whether rugged or otherwise, was one of the first natural blessings or benefits or delights of the human race that it lost as it began to creep through the dark ways toward civilization. Yet, even as far as we have come away from that almost forgotten happiness--the right of every indi vidual to live his or her own life-- it is yet a vision which we can reach for and sometimes grasp tor a mo ment. What is it but the successful pur suit of the vision of individualism that sends a man fishing along the banks of a green-fringed stream? What else beckons him into the deep woods, where there is only for com panionship the songs of birds and the scent of flowers and the tang of old earth--and the comfortable com panionship of God? What else is it but the vision of individualism that keeps a man read ing far into the morning hours, by the fireside or by an open summer window, his eyes skimming thinly over a book, his soul running free and apart from the accumulated ter rors of existence? What but individualism leads a man to sit by the hour with a purr ing cat on his knee, his hands stroking the soft fur, and the silence of pleasant loneliness coming upon him like a shield and a protection against the elbowings and the hurts of competitive civilization? What is it but the yearning for individualism that makes business men dream ot some little farm far in the hills, where there is no comrade but the cows in the pasture, or the horse neighing by the bars, or the smell of wood smoke rising from the chimney, or the whirring ot a distant mowing machine? What is it but the love for be ing alone that sends men hither and thither across the world, professing to seek, but in their own hearts try ing to escape? Oh. indeed, the whole theory of rugged individualism may be vision ary and impractical: but it is th® secret yearning in every human be ing. It is the mighty inheritance of human kind: the right to be them selves --not the selfishness that dis regards the comfort and well-being of others, but that prays for some millennial society in which the massed efforts ot humanity will be directed not toward the prohibitions and sup pressions of one another, but towaid the expansion ot all. in the great blazing light of universal and eternal blessedness. One word of happiness amid a chorus ot the dally news of disaster, crime and tragedy: A thiaf who broke into a store in Needham stole an apple pie. but left the money in the till untouched. Now. one might argue that one long addicted to and nourished and Inspired by apple pie could never steal; that there is that In the ennobling Influence of apple pie that banishes all sin from maq. However, in the Imperfect stage ot our civilization, at least we may think happily ot one. unknown, who preferred apple pie to money. x. h.~aibs republicans Washington. Nov. 2 --(AP) The Republican national committee's re port of campaign contributions filed today with the clerk ot the House ot Representatives showed H persons from New Hanxwhire had contributed SIOO or more up to October 28 The largest individual contributor list'd was Frank P. Carpenter of Man chester, S2OO. 9