Editorial discussion: Gov. Landon's farm program (Springfield Weekly Republican, Sept. 24, 1936, p. 3)

•h National EDITORIAL DISCUSSION International STATE AND LOCAL TOPICS Gov Landon's Farm Program No one can read Gov Landon's Des Moines speech, last evening in connection with the prior announce ments of the President's plans for agriculture, without realizing the highly competitive nature of the political contest for the middle western farm states. Gone are the days when easterners could find a party that turned down the agrarian demands of the West for govern ment aid through some form of cash benefits, subsidies or bounties. The new deal's farm policies broke away sharply from the atti tude of the Coolidge and Hoover administrations, as developed, first, by the vetoes of those Presidents, second, by the futile Farm board of the Hoover period. With enormous crop surpluses overhanging the markets and depressing farm prices, the Farm board could buy grain without limit and still fail to stop the price deflation. For it had no means of controling new production. In desperation, finally. Chairman Legge toured the grain states ap pealing to the farmers to curtail their production voluntarily, only to be told in Kansas to mind his own business, or something to that ef fect. In its final report the Hoover Farm board, recognizing its own failure, recommended that it be granted power "to provide an ef fective system for regulating 'acreage or quantities sold or both." The triple A of the new deal had the power to offer sufficient induce ments, through cash benefits to farmers, for regulating acreage and crop production and thus reducing the depressive surpluses. The re sults have certainly had the effect of changing the farm program of the Republican party under its present leadership, regardless of controversy over how much credit should go to drouths and how much to monetary policy and how much to the triple A for the increase in the cash in come of agriculture from $4,377,000- 000 in 1932 to $6,900,000,000 in 1935. To state the improvement in another way, there was an increase of about 35 per cent in total farm purchasing power between 1932 and 1935 when the cash benefit system was for the first time in operation. ^he program was popular in the grain states until it was struck down by the 6-to-3 decision of the United States supreme court. Out of a total of 4,288,510 votes cast in six referenda by farmers on the question of continuing production control, in 1934 and 1935, no less than 3,707,642 voted for continua tion. Thus it became entirely beyond the range of realistic politics for the opposition to the new deal to revive the farm policies of the Cool idge-Hoover period if the great farm states of the Mississippi val ley were to be won back, or to per mit a farm program to be shaped by the doctrine of the supreme court decision that the regulation of agriculture is not a federal func tion. The Cleveland platform and now Gov Landon in his Des Moines speech accept the principle of na tional responsibility for agriculture and offer a program that seeks to compete with the Roosevelt admin istration's program in winning agrarian approval and support at the polls. An expert in farm economics is needed, perhaps, to expound the re fined differences between the com peting programs. Gov Landon of fers to farmers cash benefits, sub sidies, bounties--call them what you will--from the federal treasury to offset the "disadvantages" that agriculture labors under in the mar kets domestic and foreign. Like the Republican platform Gov Lan don at Des Moines seeks to segre gate "commercial farming" from the family type of farming. That this discrimination "takes the curse 'off" the cash benefit system for the regulation of agriculture is probably a matter for debate. How ever, the principle seems to have been already introduced in the soil conservation act of 1936, in suc cession to the blasted triple A, through a graduated scale of bene fits that discriminates against large scale farming under corporate ownership. The rivalry for the farm vote be comes amusing. Gov Landon insists that the President has no farm policy. The President's champions may retort that his land-use and conservation policy took shape as early as when he was governor of New York. Gov Landon takes a crack at the soil erosion and con servation program by recalling his own proposals two years ago and what has been done in Kansas. The department of agriculture, it is re plied, has been studying that sub ject for years and is well on the way. As for farm tenantry and crop insurance, the competition is sharp indeed. Before Gov Landon could deliver his speech at Des Moines indorsing crop insurance and setting up farm tenantry as a fed eral problem, the President had an nounced this week that he had formed commissions to formulate definite proposals for legislation concerning both. At a matter of fact, the Bankhead bill for reduc ing farm tenantry by a federal aid and purchase program was intro duced in the last Congress as a Democratic measure. How the agricultural West will react to this stern competition for its favor is a matter for conjecture. But Roosevelt seems to have the advantage of having already done something--not without success where his predecessors had relapsed into opposition or avoidance or futility. He has another advantage in that, if he is reelected, he will have a Congress in both branches under the control of his own party to carry on. Gov Landon, on the other hand, indirectly admitted, at Des Moines, the weakness of his competitive bid for support by an nouncing that in carrying out his farm proposals, "I shall call on the 'statesmanship of both parties." In measuring the future potential ities of the rival candidates in ac tual legislation, the western corn and wheat states can scarcely miss the inner significance of this con fession of Mr Landon's inability to give the country a responsible party government. [September 23] Our Dictators If the Republican charge of dic tatorship and subversion of the American form of government, which is one of the chief attacks on the Roosevelt administration, is not to be dismissed as merely similar to the charges periodically made by the party out of power against the party in power throughout the his tory of American politics, it should be compared with the attack which Theodore Roosevelt invited 30 years ago. Democracy is an ideal which must always be fought for; it is well to have the Republicans pledging them selves to it anew. But, if there is anything in Franklin Roosevelt's record or his psychology which so suggests the autocrat as Theodore Roosevelt's course in connection with the acquisition of the Panama canal zone and the protest against it, even from within his own party, as an act of "national dishonor," it would be helpful- to have some one point it out. Into all the circumstances of "the 'rape of Panama" it is not neces sary to go. Emboldened by the material success of the venture, Theodore Roosevelt became, in time, almost a sufficient witness without the need bf other testimony. It is a tragedy that the splendid achieve ments in tropical sanitation, and then in engineering, which the com pleted canal now represents, must always have as their prolog that sordid chapter of chicanery which led to the final act afterward de scribed by Theodore Roosevelt when he boastfully declared that he "took," and again that he "seized," the canal zone and left Congress to debate it. The violation of treaty obligations to Colombia, to which the United States government years later under another Republican ad ministration paid $25,000,000, was covered by the caustic comment of Atty-Gen Knox at a cabinet meet ing that he would advise against trying to give the performance "any taint of legality." It was in his reaction to criticism of the Panama performance that Theodore Roosevelt most notably succumbed to the temptation to abuse the powers of his office and furnished the most significant con trast to the course pursued by Franklin Roosevelt under criticism today. Those who had disagreed or opposed Theodore were "contempt 'ible little scoundrels," which must be conceded to be even somewhat stronger than calling one's op ponents "economic royalists." The climax of Theodore's attempted autocracy and the gravest menace which he ever represented to free institutions came when he turned on his critics and, in defiance of con stitutional guarantees, endeavored to jail them, just as a dictator might have done, by establishing the principle that their criticism of him and his administration was criminal "libel upon the United States gov 'ernment" and "the American 'people." Fortunately for the preservation of democracy in this country that effort of Theodore Roosevelt's, con ceived in blind anger, failed ig nominiously. When it was sought to take from Indiana to Washing ton, where they had been indicted, the editors of the Indianapolis News--which with the New York World had been the special object of his wrath--Judge Anderson re leased them with the comment: "To 'my mind, that man has read the 'history of our institutions to little 'purpose who does not look with 'grave apprehension upon the pos 'sibility of the success of a proceed 'ing such as this. If the history of 'liberty means anything--if consti tutional guarantees are worth any- THE SPRINGFIELD WEEKLY REPUBLICAN; SPRINGFIELD, MASS.: THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1933 'thing--this proceeding must fail." And fail it did. Balked in Indiana, the Roosevelt administration pre posterously distorted and invoked an ancient law to indict the editors of the New York World in New York. There Judge Hough found again for the defendants. Commenting on Judge Hough's decision, the World then said edi torially:-- If there exists in Washington the shadow of a suspicion that a federal libel law can be created by construction or interpreta tion--it there still remains the likelihood that some day another Roosevelt will prostitute his power by invoking the act to protect harbor defenses in order to prosecute newspapers that have offended him--if there be the ghost of a belief that the federal government has coordinate power with state governments in the prosecution of alleged libel, and that every newspaper is at the mercy of the President--then the sooner there is a final decision of the supreme court of the United States the better. In due course the supreme court made its decision. The tribunal which years later was to condemn the only less vicious Louisiana stat ute by which Huey Long strove to stifle those who criticized him unanimously sustained Judge Hough. Against that effort of Theodore Roosevelt to throw his critics into jail let the reader survey the spec tacle presented today. It has been estimated that 80 per cent of the newspapers of the country are op posed to Franklin Roosevelt. The language of many of them is cer- PREACHING AND PREACHERS To the Editor of The Republican:-- One who has for years sorrow fully pondered the question why the church is not the power in the world that it should be has been interested in the discussion about preaching. I have a little sympathy for the minister who complains that his con gregation won't let him preach as he would. Congregations have much to answer for. Perhaps their prefer ence for ministerial suavity over character and intellect may have had something to do with the alleged deterioration of preaching. But their shortcomings are not the present sub ject. There is hardly any calling that does not have its risks and a man's family is involved in the hazards he must face. The missionary to foreign ground is a case in point. The man who chooses the Christian ministry because he expects it to be a pleasant, easy and safe way to make a living deserves to fail. At the time of our entrance into the World war there were a number of pastors compelled to resign from their pastorates because they opposed that entrance. A few taking the same stand were upheld by their congre gations. In one such church in New f York city was posted a roll of honor, composed of the names of pastors who parted from their churches for this cause. Names to be proudly cherished by their descendants along with Wilson's "group of willful men" in Congress. A situation confronts us today not less serious, some think, than at that time. There is little difference of opinion, probably, as to the im propriety of a minister speaking for candidates for office from his pulpit, but he can at least impress his hear ers with the seriousness of the world's condition and their duties as citizens. And surely he has the same right as any other man to tell in private conversation how he intends to vote and so throw the whole weight of his influence where he wishes. If the Protestant churches will only follow the lead of their federal council in its late pronouncement they will not go far wrong. "They are slaves who will not speak For the fallen and the weak They are slaves who will not choose Hatred, scoffing and abuse Rather than in silence shrink From the truth they needs must think." BERTHA STRONG COOLEY. South Deerfield, September 15, 1936. A VOTE FOR LANDON To the Editor of The Republican:-- I have observed some abstracts of an editorial appearing in your paper warning your liberal associates of whatever leftist tendencies they carry around with them to expect a balance in the Franklin Delano Roosevelt leadership, and to get be hind it, and stay behind it. That a leader of his type cannot be made except through frlal and ex perience, and he must be accepted to be utilized, or we can have no lead ers. That Roosevelt is now thorough ly seasoned by experience. That one can wait a lifetime for a leader, etc. As a lifetime Democrat I take issue with your statement. I shall vote for Mr Landon, and Mr Knox, because I am tired of the hullabaloo here in Washington. We don't need so many ''brilliant minds" In Washington. Wo don't need any of the New York political rabble rousers cheering on. We need a leader who can do things that will stay after they are done. We need a leader who can build a cabinet out of sober businessmen of this country, Instead of a lot of second-hand talent. In two instances men who were only clerks in the government service prior to entry into politics. We don't need any more bedtime stories. We need men who have carved their own careers without, talking their way through life, and who have made a success of their own business, as Mr Ten don and Mr Knox have done. Their careers are far more pleasing to the tainly not less bitter than was that of the New York World and the Indianapolis News, not to mention other papers, in their criticism of Theodore Roosevelt and his admin istration in connection with the Panama episode. But Franklin Roosevelt, whose sin consists in the discharge of powers duly conferred upon him in a great emergency--in stead of taking illegal action and "letting Congress debate it after 'ward"--has not caused any obscure or forgotten law to be tortuously invoked to silence his critics in the exercise of that right which, however it may be abused, is after all the fundamental safeguard of democracy. [September 23] More sejgous for the British ad miralty than Japan's decision to re tain its old submarines instead of scrapping them is the report that the Germans have invented a new engine, operating on oxygen and hydrogen, which enables a sub marine to function as freely under the water as on the surface and to dive at as steep an angle as is desired. If the invention is all that is claimed for it many sub marines will be heading for the scrap heap. Whether husbands and wives are being divided politically this year more than hitherto cannot be af firmed because nobody knows. The ex-Gov Charles A. Whitmans of New York, however, lead the list of 50-50 households, as thus far re ported. The former G. O. P. gov ernor hasn't bolted; his wife has gone clear over the fence. LETTERS TO THE EDITOR eye of the average American than these political hothouse products from New York state, who have not a scintilla of practical views on life or on business. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. Washington, D. C„ Sept. 14, 1936. BUSINESS RECOVERY To the Editor of The Republican:-- The revelation contained in a re port released this week by the de partment of commerce is equally as interesting as the report from Roger W. Babson's statistical bureau in which the bureau shows that busi ness has returned to normal. The department of commerce in its report says that Industrial pro duction averaged 100 per cent of out put during the prosperous years of 1925 to 1929, which are accepted by economists as a normal period. Dur ing the month of August, 1936, gen eral business level reached 106.6 per cent of 1923-25 average. In other words, business and industry is far "over the top." The department of commerce re port also shows that scores of cor porations have increased their divi dends, In some instances as high as 100 per cent. Steel orders are piling up until the mills are unable to keep pace with demand. This report also shows that the price of public utility stocks has doubled since last year. But, while profits have Increased in some cases 100 per cent, the pur chasing power of the great mass of the laboring people, as represented in wages, and which group constitutes a very considerable part of the mar ket for the products of industry and agriculture, is not keeping pace with profits. This, of course, is due to the re fusal of the business people that en joy prosperity to share with their workers the general increase in profits. JOSEPH LA FONTAINE, Legislative Committeeman, Order of Railway Conductors. Brockton, September 16, 1936. EARLY AND LATE COMMUNISM To the Editor of The Republican:-- On reading of Pope Pius's sharp denunciation of communism, that is. Marxian socialism, the communism of the early Christians was brought to mind. Following the example of Jesus, who induced his flock to en trust their worldly possessions into the common fund for common use, many communistic associations were formed. These were, of course, fail ures in the long run. There is a vast difference betw'een this communism of the early Chris tians and modern Marxian socialism. That of Jesus was one of poverty, in which a participant contributed his store: but after a time no new num bers were available to add to the common fund, while the number to care for remained large. Thus, it was a collectivity for consumption, re sulting in poverty, since there was no continuity of production. Modern socialism, on the other hand, is collective action for pro-iuc ■ing an abundance. The limitless capacity to produce will be made available to all, so that when each man receives the full product of his labor, abundance will be his share. It stands to reason that there must be common ownership of the means of wealth production before the socialist commonwealth is a fact. It cannot be government ownership: there must be an association of in dustries, with a planned economy di rected by chosen representatives of the workers from their respective industries--acting through an indus trial congress. So, instead of elect ing politicians from wards, counties and states, we would instead elect foremen, supeilntendents, managers and delegates to the industrial con gress from our shops. Industrial democracy would supplant political democracy. We of the Socialist Labor party are not ashamed to propose that our social structure be changed as I have so briefly sketched it. Wo see that capitalism, as it has existed, cannot longer remain that way. That is the Mr Lodge's 'Jr* With commendable solicitude for the proprieties of public usage, Gov Curley questions the right of his Republican opponent to be known as Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. "Jr.," as the governor says, is ordinarily used to distinguish between a father and a son bearing the same name, and Mr Lodge's father was not named Henry Cabot Lodge. Therefore, the governor fears that some Republicans will erroneously identify the Republican candidate for the United States Senate as a son of the Henry Cabot Lodge who for many years represented Massa chusetts in the United States Senate. Gov Curley is correct in his state ment of biographical facts. But if the present Henry Cabot Lodge has no right to the "junior" there is evidence that he did not misappro priate the affix with any intention of deceiving the voters of Massa chusetts in 1936. In the "Harvard 'Alumni Directory," published as long ago as 1929, the Republican candidate, then a journalist, is en tered as "Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr." Whether he has been known as "junior" from his birth or whether he was once known as "Henry Cabot 'Lodge, 2d," is a simple question on which the candidate may perhaps be persuaded to give information. But the "Jr" is no new thing. The designations "Jr" and "2d" are titles of convenience, which usually, though not invariably, drop out of use when the liability of con fusing two persons has passed. The "Harvard Quinquennial Catalog" basis, chiefly, for the mighty changes which are developing in Europe to day. There we see the continual regi mentation of industry under an omnip otent state, dominated by the top capitalist class --much as the feudal regimentation of land which our forefathers overthrew.' Opposed to that stands socialism. And if the communism of poverty of the early Christians Is respectable, why isn't the modern socialism of abundance? S. L. P. Springfield, September 15, 1936. PROGRESS TOWARD SAFETY To the Editor of The Republican:-- I think you will be interested to know that 30 states' now have per manent state-wide traffic safety or ganizations. Some of these are safety councils, organized by private citi zens; others are departments in state highway or motor vehicle divisions of the state government. Literally hundred of our cities now' have functioning safety organizations. The Automobile Manufacturers' as sociation and a score of other na tional associations have worked close ly with the National Safety council-- making it possible for the council to coordinate, energize and support the national, state and local officials in the enforcement program. Let me emphasize that the press is playing an important part in the actual reduction in traffic deaths during the first seven months of the present year. Total deaths for that period were 2 per cent lower than for the same seven months of 1935, in spite of a 9 per cent increase in gas consumption. New York cut deaths 12 per cent and New Jersey 13 per cent--demonstrating that traffic can be controled in even the most populous, congested areas. Grade and high schools by the dozens have set up regular credit courses in safety and schools by the hundreds now offer automobile driver training to students. Harvard, Purdue and Northwestern universities are leaders in a group of institu tions of higher learning that have set up traffic safety departments. About 15 states have enacted and administered standard drivers' license laws with examination requirements and with revocation and suspension clauses. A dozen other states have weak license laws that need strength ening badly. From now on through 1937 the National Safety council will strive vigorously to obtain the en actment of standard license law's tor general adoption by all states needing such legislation. W. H. CAMERON, Managing Director, National Safety Council. Chicago, September 16, 1936. SERMONS To the Editor of The Republican:-- We read in the Bible that he who preaches in an unknown tongue edi fies himself but not his hearers. Is it very different when a known tongue is used in such a way that the mys tery always attending religion con tinues to surround its application to the lives of churchgoers or sermon readers? Admittedly, there are many who know Jesus hardly at all. Would it not help in pointing the way toward the peace He alone' ca« give to each one of us, to use the simplicity of the Gospel accounts of Him and His ministry? I submit this criticism and sugges tion for the consideration of any who may be inclined to think a moratorium on sermons wouldn't matter. SERMON READER. Shelburne Falls. Sept. 15. 1936. "AS GOES MAINE" To the Editor of The Republican:-- "As goes Maine so goes the coun try. This year, though, one won ders whether it is the state or the famous battleship which Is referred to. R. F. DENISON. Norwich, Ct., September 15, 1936. does not recognize "Jr" at all, presumably on the theory that a man will cease in the course of time to be a "junior" in fact. Henry James, Jr., continued to use that signature for nearly two decades after his father's death, and when he became mere Henry James he had developed a new style and a new type of novel. To some the works of Henry James, Jr., are still the more alluring. Dropping the affix coincided with the passage to a new complexity of mind and style. Though "Jr" is in most cases a temporary designation, something can be said for a system which permanently distinguishes between persons who in different generations bear the same name. The Adams l family furnishes an example. There I was Charles Francis Adams, the diplomat, and then there was i Charles Francis Adams, the railroad expert, and now there is Charles Francis Adams, lawyer, yachtsman land former secretary of the navy. In Great Britain a man is designated as the Bth Earl Waldegrave or Sir James 'Ramsay, 10th baronet. It might be helpful if there were some I such way of distinguishing readily I between generations of Adamses. There may yet be need of distin- I guishing between the Senator Lodges. (September 20] i No More Borrowing This Year It now appears that the city of Springfield has a very good chance of getting through the rest of the year without more borrowing under TO AID POPULAR GOVERNMENT Dr Nicholas Murray Butler's Six Measures To the Editor of The Republican:-- Says a great student of govern ment, President Nicholas Murray Butler. "This problem is under more searching, more violent and more revolutionary discussion today than ever before in history." I think he would agree that it behooves all par ties which arranged to spend five months instead of two in political turmoil and recrimination never to repeat such folly. No other democ racy ever thinks of throwing so much money, time and energy away. President Butler outlines six meas- ures which would remove obstacles to satisfactory democracy. I think we I should do well to have them taught I in all progressive schools which per- j ceive relative values and know that j today there' are more important mat- j ters than teaching the rule for the dative case and for the extraction of cube root. He finds that public j welfare discussion docs not evoke "open-minded and sympathetic con sideration." We care about taxes so as to redistribute wealth. We un- I necessarily multiply agencies and i think in terms of profit motive. 1. He feels that the process of: amending the constitution, quite apart from the character and con- tent of the proposed amendment, is not clear. He specifies delays and con tradictions and confusion. 2. The direct primary vote from which much was hoped has proved a failure and led persistent, ambitious and self-seeking groups to promote narrow, partisan action. Some years ago 33 per cent of the possible vote of the state was the largest per centage received by any one of the senators elected. "As a result, the Senate of the United States has fallen to a plane of ability, courage and representative character far low er than ever before in our nation's history. Since 1908 senators and rep resentatives have never canvassed together on any matter of public policy." President Butler approves Justice Hughes's idea that a direct primary might be used when needed to correct abuses of the convention system. Minor election offices should be greatly reduced. Let them be filled by appointment. Most of the voters are compelled to decide on our ballot as to dozens of names unknown to us. This seems one of the most im portant matters to change. 3. Members of the cabinet should bo allowed to sit in both branches of Congress to answer questions and to take part in debates on matters concerning their respective depart ments, as is done in the British Parliament. More than 55 years ago this was proposed by Republican sen ators. but has not yet been acted on. 4. The army and navy departments should be united in a single depart ment of defense. This would end a vast amount of overlapping, expense and friction. This was strongly de sired by Secretary Weeks. At all events, the name, "war department," should be abolished. 5. The costly multiplication of ex ecutive bureaus should end and the President be authorized to consolidate them. In 1920 there were 37 engineer organizations where there should be only one, and 46 agencies for health doing the same work; there are doubtless many more now, yet this is almost unknown to most congress men and the public. "Today we have incompetence gone mad." 6. Trade disputes, lockouts, strikes, all wasteful and costly, should be limited to those matters that do not affect the public welfare. The British Parliament decrees this and distin guishes between legal and Illegal strikes. Labor racketeering is quite unknown in England. If we are to conquer the rising tide of communism, fascism or dic tatorship, we must make oiu democ racy more effective and train for It with all the enthusiasm that young people put into an Olympic game. LUCIA AMES MEAD. Boston, September 19, 1936. the municipal relief act to make up deficits in the welfare and WPA budgets. Mayor Martens is con vinced that careful spending during the next three months will make both ends meet on December 30, barring an unforeseen catastrophe. If the city is able to get through the year with no more borrowing for current expenses, it will be much better off in this respect than was the case last year. About this time a year ago, $600,000 was bor rowed to see the welfare and relief work programs through the last few months of the year. Earlier $500,000 was borrowed for current expenses when the budget was adopted. Before the tax rate was set last spring the city borrowed $700,000. At that time judgment based on what had happened in previous years made it appear that further borrowing would be necessary in the fall. The lowering of welfare costs, which has continued to the present day, makes it almost certain that this department can get along with in its budget. All funds specifically set up for the WPA have been ex hausted, but with careful spending the $120,000 in the reserve fund should suffice for relief work appro priations as well as for deficits in departmental budgets. Apparently, the cuts made in the 1936 budget were not so drastic as to make it necessary for many re funds from the reserve for contin gencies. Just as in the case of the request for restoration of the 33 re serve patrolmen laid off because of the cut in the budget, city council members and the mayor have indi cated they will view every request for funds from now until the end of the year with a jaundiced eye. If a department can prove dire need, funds will be provided. But the purse strings won't be loosened easily. If the hopes of the mayor and members of the council are justified and there is no more borrowing for current expenses this year, such a development would not have been possible without a boost in the tax rate and without success in attempts to get welfare costs down. Perhaps next year the city's financial plan ners can go the whole way back to sounder financing and pay all cur rent costs of direct and work relief from the tax levy. (September 20] Mrs Reavey's Nomination Eight candidates arrayed them selves in a primary contest for the Democratic nomination in the 2d congressional district, in which, at the election two years ago. 47,894 votes were cast for the Democratic candidate, who was successful. One of the eight was Mrs Agnes C. Rea vey, a Springfield school teacher, who had the enthusiastic support of Father Coughlin's National Union for Social Justice, and proved her self an able and energetic cam paigner. Before Tuesday's pri maries politicians and observers were guessing how many votes she would get and how her candidacy would affect the standing of the other candidates when the ballots were counted. Political forecasters were chary of predictions regarding the outcome, as several of the candidates seemed to be cutting across one another's paths. No one predicted that Mrs Reavey would win the nomination.. But she did. Mrs Reavey received 5628 votes out of a total number of approxi mately 25,500. Under the plurality system she needed only to obtain a higher number of votes than any of her opponents. One would have sufficed. Actually she had 1000. So long as there is no restriction on the number of candidates seek ing office a nomination may go to a person having, as in this case, less than one-fourth of the total vote. That, in itself, may be no objection, but in this case the nomi nation was won by a candidate whose political affiliations make it difficult for her to participate in the election campaign with other candidates of the party whose designation she will bear on the ballot. The National Union for So cial Justice is neither Democratic nor Republican, and its leaders are antagonistic to President Roose velt. In other words, the Democratic party is virtually blanketed in the 2d congressional district. But the same thing might happen to the Republican party. In short, if enough candidates "choose to run" they may so split a normal party vote that a minority group an tagonistic to the party as a whole will capture the prize. One thing seems fairly certain. If there are repetitions of this affair, people in Massachusetts will begin to ask whether the time has come to establish the run-off primary- And there is a fairly general opinion that the state has an excess of election machinery already. (September K] No time was lost in sending army planes housed at Langley field, Vir ginia, to safer places inland; when \it conies to running away from a hurricane an airplane it ideal. The Eastern States' 20th An outstanding feature of the 20th annual Eastern States exposi tion, which opens today, is the very fact that it is being held. Buried last March under tons of water, the only remaining signs of the flood which covered the exposition grounds to a depth of from 9 to 15 feet are bronze markers on some of the buildings showing the hight to which the waters rose. Visitors at the exposition this week will have difficulty, as they go about the beautifully kept grounds and I look at the thousands of exhibits, i in trying to picture the battered and mudstained appearance presented after the flood waters receded. This year the Eastern States ex position promises to have an even greater educational value than it has in the past, especially in the matter of industrial advances in the 10 North Atlantic states and in the latest developments in farm ma chinery. Exhibits in the Industrial Arts building are more numerous and of greater variety than for many years and the outdoor show of farm machinery is the largest that has ever been assembled at the grounds. The various state buildings, Mas sachusetts, Maine, Vermont and New Hampshire, have featured the agricultural, industrial and recrea tional opportunities of each of these states in displays and exhibits even more inviting than in former years. The federal government has again cooperated in the exposition and several bureaus and departments have large educational displays in the Industrial Arts building. As one of the major agricultural shows of the country, the exposition main j tains the high standards set in for mer years and visitors may see leading herds of cattle in all breeds from all parts of the country. En tries in the poultry show have reached a new high mark. The horse show will bring many widely known stables to the grounds. The exposition program contains a wide variety of entertainment numbers and spectacular features. [September 20] The State Campaign Mayor Greenwood of Fitchburg, though defeated, emerged from Tuesday's primaries the most con spicuous contender. For the surpris ingly large percentage of the total vote that he received gave proof of the growing desire among many Massachusetts Democrats to defeat Gov Curley for the United States Senate and end his domination of the party in this state. Mr Greenwood's legal action against* Chairman McGlue of the ballot law commission raises the question of safeguards for just and impartial consideration of petition* before the board. It is a general question, though its bearing is specific. Interest in Mr Greenwood's position is centered, however, in the probable effect of his inde pendent candidacy as measured in votes. Certain commentators fear that Greenwood's name on the ballot will prevent some Democrats from vot ing for Lodge or otherwise diminish Lodge's total. Gov Cui^ty's own tactics seem to justify Mr Green wood's judgment, however. For Alonzo B. Cook is running as an independent to help Curley by tak ing Republican votes from Lodges Mr Curley evidently does not fear that Cook will capture votes that would otherwise go to him. In the Ist congressional district^ the nomination of Owen Johnson by the Democrats assures a pretty clearly defined test of the essential national issues, uncomplicated by such conditions as are faced in the 2d district owing to the unexpected nomination of Mrs Reavey, a follow er of Father Coughlin. Mr Johnson promises a vigorous campaign and he certainly merit® an attentive hearing. Congressman! Treadway's majority two years ago was some 16,000, which discloses at once what Mr Johnson is up against in his formidable undertak ing. THE WEEKLY REPUBLICAN (Entered as second-class matte®: November 5, 1879, at the postoffice at; Springfield. Mass, under the act <4 March 8. U79J SUBSCRIPTION RATES THE DAILY REPUBLICAN. 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