Landon Must Clarify to Win Labor Workers Entitled to Clear-Cut Views on Bargaining. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. IF GOV. LANDON hopes to win any substantial number of labor votes he will have to go further than he did in his acceptance speech in affirming the rights of labor. This seems at the moment to be the consensus among labor leaders, but it is also the growing conviction of those who feel that ths balance of power in the present campaign is held by the in dependent vote. It is not that the independent voters are so much concerned with the details of labor warfare, but they are anxious to know if Gov. Landon Is so absored in the employer view point that he will David Lawrence. #IUb, AX eiCUCU, VIXClIIipiUIX UiC llglllXUX causes of the employe. The labor controversy, in other words, affords an opportunity for Oov. Landon to reveal his progressivism, to show that his heart is with the common man notwithstanding the reputation which ,the New Deal strategists try to give the Republicans as being allies of the Liberty League and the so-called privileged classes. Mr. Landon's treatment of the la bor problem in his speech last week Was necessarily brief, as was his dis cussion of other topics. But never theless there was much that was lack ing If the candidate insists on con fining himself to the few brief state ments of the Republican platform without amplifying them in any way. Bargaining Is Count. The heart of the labor controversy Is collective bargaining. The Repub lican platform says labor shaU have trie rignt to organize and select spokesmen of their own choosing "without coercion from any source." This very phrase was first used by President Roosevelt in signing the automobile code in 1934. so it is a bit puzzling to see the New Deal na tional committee charging the author ship of the phrase to the National Association of Manufacturers. But regardless of origin, the mean ing of that phrase is important and labor wants to know from Gov. Lan don as to how he interprets it. The Republican nominee, in his speech of acceptance, said he thought that no coercion from any source whatsoever meant to him no coercion from any 1 employers or from any fellow em ployes or "from any other person." Promptly union labor spokesmen declared that this interpretation could mean that an outside organizer, who was not employed in a plant or in dustry, could be restrained from or dinary membership work done in the process of getting workers organized Into unions. If Gov. Landon did not i mean sucn a tmng, ne nas opportu nity In future speeches to clarify what he did mean. Two Kinds of Organizations. The crux of the labor controversy Is that there are two kinds of work ing men's organizations in America, irrespective of whether the unit is the plant or the craft or the industry. The two kinds are those that are not in any way influenced by employers and those that may or may not be under employer influence, but which are independent of national unions confining their activities to the plants or factories where the men are em ployed. Landon says frankly that workers Should have the right to belong to any type of union they chose. This is broad democracy. But when he says they should be able to choose their representatives ''without coercion from any source," the question arises as to When "coercion" is mere persuasion unwelcome to minority factions and when it is intimidation and simple violence. The national labor relations act provides a penalty only for coercion practiced by employers against em ployes who wish to join a union. There is no provision which protects the working man against the strong-arm tactics of some union organizers. Sena tor Wagner, author of the labor re lations act, and New Dealers generally pooh-pooh such fears, saying it is a myth invented by employers, yet every strike and every labor dispute reveals clearly that working men who refuse to join a union are subjected to humili ation and threats that amount to co ercion in repeated instances. To the outcry that some protection of the law must be given, the answer usually made is that State law and city ordi nances already take care of it. In all probability the national labor relations act, because it is arbitrary and one-sided, will be declared uncon stitutional. But this will not dispose of the question of collective bargaining. Landon is today not merely the spokesman of the party in a national sense, but he speaks as a general thing for State tickets. Hence what he says about the maintenance of the rights of collective bargaining affects the labor Vote all along the line. Clarification Essential. Labor is entitled to a clear-cut declaration from the Republican nomi nee which assures labor a right to organize, a right to use organizers whether or not they are employes of a given plant provided these organizers use lawful methods. Likewise, em ployers are entitled to freedom of ac tion, freedom to talk frankly to their employes about disadvantages as they •ee it of plant or craft or industrial type of unions. This is freedom of speech--as essential in economic de mocracy as in political democracy. The usual comment made on this by some labor spokesmen is that unioniza tion is none of the employers' business, forgetting, of course, that when labor organisations get into the hands of un scrupulous leaders and unnecessary ■trikes are called it becomes very much the business of the employer. For he is responsible not omy iui mc rolls, but for the safety of the savings of those who have invested in his man agement and in his capacity to meet the views of the buyer as to ultimate price. If the employer were a free agent and could fix any price he pleased and get it from the consumer he would not worry much about col lective bargaining or unionisation. Landon's views on labor are im portant because they will give a cue to his progressivism. If he ventures to show union labor that he means to protect them in their right to organize. In their right to strike, in their right lo pursue every lawful means to get i f Blowing Peace Bubbles France Pays Heavily to Agree With Britain, and Curbs War Not One Jot. BY EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER. Br Radio to The Star. PARIS. France, July 27.--Faced by a coming great German diplomatic offensive, the representatives of Great Britain, Belgium anl France maintained a united front at Thursday's preliminary meeting of the Locarno powers in London. To read the official statements, one would imagine that they are entirely harmonious, animated by identical motives and ready for a common line of action. Together they will invite Germany and Italy to come to a new Locarno conference somewhere in the Autumn. Together they will then widen this __cnnforpnpc tn form a snrt. nf MAW VUJS a Jb CHAP. jS\WHAT' Ca ZAtJw: Msu peace conference to settle the out standing differences In Europe. The atmosphere was one of de lightful concord. The British states men were reported delighted when the personality and sweet reason ableness of French Premier Leon Blum and his foreign minister. Yvon Delbos, and the latter perfectly sat isfied with the wide understand ing they found in their British _ii.. __ wm.o§ uvo< Now certainly the British and French did not squabble. Certainly the British declared that so long as the negotiations are continuing, the mili tary solidarity established between the three powers after the German treaty breach of March 7 will be maintained. But the French paid for this harmony a heavy price. First of all, they consented to "forget" the latest German treaty breach, which was referred to lightly as "German initiative." Second, the French could not succeed in having Germany's Insolent neglect of the famous British questionnaire, which was sent to Berlin a couple of months ago, accepted as unwillingness to co-operate, and a real military alliance without Germany and Italy made. Third, the French had to accept the famous German peace proposals, which accompanied the "Initiative" of March 7, as one base of discussion. Finally--which is more important--the British did not accept the French conception that peace in Europe must be ''Inadvisable," meaning that a strong nation like Germany should not be allowed to eat little nations individually one alter anoiner. The British delegates said that they understood the French viewpoint. But thereby the real organization of peace in Europe advanced not one jot. a When the Joint communication speaks of "settlement of those prob lems the solution of which is essential to the peace of Europe," it is merely blowing bubbles. The fact is that the only sort of problems still left "un solved" in Europe are territorial problems--the desire, that Is, of certain dynamic states to obtain new territories or re-obtain territories lost in the late war. It is pretty clear that short of terrific and successful intimidation, the dynamic states cannot satisfy their desires in this respect without war, Ollll.tr U1C VOCllt 11U1UC1 a Ul trt-l 1 WUl UUV 6*' V Therefore the talk of "solutions" is probably illusory. The only real peaceful solution Is either for the dynamic states to cease coveting what belongs to others and scheming to recover it by force of arms, or for the other states to band together in a group of such strength that the dynamic states, who consistently proclaim their willingness to make war, wiU not dare to start anything. This is the meaning of the present French policy. The French want on the one hand "indivisible peace." meaning Just such common action against an aggressor anywhere in Europe. On the other hand, they want the closest friendship and co-operation with Great Britain. But the British do not seem to be willing to accept the conception of indivisible peace. If any one touches France, Belgium or the Netherlands, yes, then Britain Is ready to fight. But not to defend Austria, Czecho slovakia or Lithuania, and certainly not to defend Soviet Russia. This situation would therefore be clear, were it not that France, by assisting its Eastern allies, might be drawn into a war with Ger many, which might invade France. What would Britain do then? Who can say? What the French most fear and what the Germans most want is that at the coming conference Germany and Italy will offer complete security in the west, on condition of being allowed to divide Eastern and Western Europe Into zones of influence and expansion between them. Will the British refuse security for the British Isles at this price? What will the French do If they have either to accept such an offer or lose British piuiecuun aivugemer.' ntre ls uie dark cloud over the new French cabinet's foreign policy and the danger of the projected meeting of the five Locarno powers. So far the Germans have won every move by the simple expedient of playing on the pacific nature, democratic dispersiveness and gen eral timidity of the Western nations taken individually. This is t.ha rhiaf hazard nf tha democratic form of government today--it* rulers cannot ignore public reluctance to engage in armed conflict. Dictators need not bother about such trifles. Faced with this danger, the Blum cabinet had the choice between two lines. Before talking with Germany it could have gone ahead, strengthened the old alliances and made new ones. After the recent ignoble meeting at Geneva, the representatives of Yugoslavia. Rumania and the Balkan bloc visited the French and asked for mutual assistance treaties similar to the one between France and Czecho slovakia and between France and Poland. The Yugoslavs averred undying fidelity to French friendship and asked to have the fact made public in a mutual assistance treaty. The Rumanians asked for a similar treaty, largely, they said, because they wanted such a pact with the Russians, and the latter refused unless the same sort of thing were concluded with France. The Turks made an identical proposal in the name of the Balkan bloc. x iic riruui aoivcvx time iu euiiaiuei tiie unei. xxicxi wxxexx txxc uemmus announced their arrangement with Austria was the time for a lightning like answer. The French could have summoned the representatives of these states and publicly concluded treaties, meanwhile Informing the British of every step and even asking for British participation. This might easily have induced the Poles to ask for conflrmaton of their very shaky alliance with France, since many Poles, including Oen. Edward Rydz-Smigly, inspector general of the army, are becoming in creasingly alarmed at German aggresslvity. Such a comeback, many think, would not only have checkmated the Germans, but without alarming the British, would have made the Italians climb down a rung or two on the lofty ladder where they have been perch ing since they Intimidated the League of Nations. It was not done and the chance perhaps is gone. The French cabinet wished to try once more the way of conciliation by working 100 per cent with the British. The London meeting confirmed this intention and the dangers Inherent In It. (Copyright. 1930.) higher wages, he will remove that issue From the campaign, because on these points Mr. Roosevelt has already won a widespread support among laboring men. (Copyrltht, 1938.) Wmb HAVE BEEN HOME\I \before PARK IFWEM W^HADA BUICKl^^^k Fateful Hour of New Order Has Passed Roosevelt Did Not Keep One Rendezvous With Destiny. BY MARK SULLIVAN. CURIOUSLY, Qov. Landon, after making his acceptance speech in 1936, is close to where Mr. Roosevelt was after his ac ceptance speech in 1932. Mr. Roose velt laid down in 1932 and Landon lays down in 1936 a program of re form, of cure for business faults and ctuuuiuic ca- cesses. The Dem- i ocratlc platform f which Mr. Roose- velt accepted In 1 1932 and the 1 Republican oire f! which Gov. Lan- i don accepts In 1936 have much f| of this in com- i mon. Both stress prevention of monopoly. So sound was the Democratic platform of 1932. so much did it promise wnat me country wanted, mat the Republicans as they approached their platform-making this year gave thought to copying much of the 1932 Democratic platform verbatim. Their notion was one of political strategy to call attention to how far Mr. Roose velt had departed from the platform of his party. But there would have been logical basis for the action in the Identity of thought between large por tions of the two platforms. The most conspicuous similarity be tween the Democratic platform of 1932 and the Republican one of 1936 lies in vhat. hnth nmit contained any thought of basic change in the American tradition of government or the American pattern of society. The Democratic platform of 1932 was a program of energetic reform, but wholly within the framework of the Constitution. Roosevelt Got Off Track. When Mr. Roosevelt in his 1932 ac ceptance speech accepted that plat form "inn ner rent he had no thought of more than the platform contained. Had he held to that pledge and that platform he would have made a record much like the domestic record of Woodrow Wilson in his first term, one of rooting out evil practices in our economic Institutions, but doing so without violation of our traditions. And if Mr. Roosevelt had held to that platform and pledge he would be today rather more certain of re-election than Woodrow Wilson was in 1916. Just where did Mr. Roosevelt get off the track? When and because of what circumstances did Mr. Roosevelt extend nis program to »nai lie later aescnpea as a "new economic order rising from the disintegration of the old?" The reason lies partly, of course, in Mr. Roosevelt's temperament, his tm-1 pulsive responsiveness to proposals that1 are novel and a little startling. But from what quarter did the proposals come which Mr. Roosevelt later de- scribed as "a permanent readjustment of many of our ways of thinking and therefore of many of our social and economic arrangements." Some Advisers Conservative. They came from some members of the "brain trust" that gathered round him during his campaign. Not from all--some of them were completely de AKERSON IS APPOINTED MARTIN'S CONTACT MAN Member of Hoover'* Secretariat to Be Personal Aide--Others Named to Places. By the Associated Press. NEW YORK, July 27.--The Re publican National Committee an nounced yesterday that Representa tive Joseph W. Martin of Massa chusetts*, Eastern campaign director, void of any revolutionary notions, wen devoted only to simple reform of th< American system. Prof. Moley, whc during the 1932 campaign was a semi official head of Mr. Roosevelt's ad visers, was so far from having funda mental change in mind, that today disturbed by much that Mr. Roosevelt has done, he Is Klmost a critic of the administration. The much-discussed Prof. Frankfurter is not. I think, a collectivist. But some of Mr. Roose velt's academic advisers wrere con vinced believers In collectivism and wished a reorganization of Amerlcar society on the collectivist model. Looking backward, we ask, Would it have been possible for Mr. Roose velt and his more radical advlsen actually to have taken Americs through a peaceful revolution Into t collectivist form of society and gov ernment? There was a time when, think, it could have been done. The hour of decision for Mr. Roosevelt were he a man of ruthless decisiveness an authentic Mussolini or Lenin, was while all the banks of the country were closed, during March, 1933. Thai was the hour when Mr. Roosevelt hac his real "rendezvous with destiny.' He did not keep it, or kept it onh half-heartedly, and one doubts li the lady will renew It. Urged to Act Then. At least one of Mr. Roosevelt's more radical advisers, familiar with the technique of peaceful revolution recognized the hour. He urged Mr Roosevelt to keep the banks closet Indefinitely, to thus completely para lyze and destory the old economic system, ana m me vacuum ouua s new. But Mr. Roosevelt was not ruthless enough. With that houi passed, with the banks reopened and the old economic order functioning again, with the people emerging from paralysis and terror, there has nevei been a day after April, 1933, when Mr Roosevelt could have subjected the country to a new economic order and form of government. But Mr. Roosevelt kept his radical advisers close to him. Prom time to time they renewed their suggestions looking toward a new order. Some of the suggestions Mr. Roosevelt ac cepted, others not. Some he accepted only in part. At the same time, from other advisers or upon his own Ini tiative, he adopted projects which were as conservative as the Constitu tion Itself. Some of the best parts of the 1932 platform were carried out. In Several Directions. As a net result, the three and a half years' record is a picture of one hobbled step toward collectivism, fol lowed by another back toward In dividualism; one dash toward re covery, another toward reform. The actions, as Gov. Landon put it in his acceptance speech, ''worked at cross purposes and defeated them selves." To add, as Landon did, that "the frequent and sudden changes in the administration's policy caused a con tinual uneasiness." is too restrained a statement. As respects recovery, the program was like a rapid suc cession of first stepping on the ac celerator, then pulling hard on the hand brake. As respects the funda mental economic system and form of government, it was a similar suc cession of one dash toward collectiv ism followed by another back toward individualism. wnm, we nave loaay is a paruai recovery--cluttered up with the debris of a half-hearted and now aborted revolution. To take us out of this situation, to put our house in order and lead us forward, which presi dential candidate will the country choose? To this question there is In the Baltimore Sun a sage though in conclusive answer. It is "the choice between a cautious man to take over the daring man's program and the daring man to continue his program." (Coprrlsht, 1936.) had selected George Akerson, a White House secretary in the Hoover ad ministration, as his personal con tact man. Martin will return here from New England today and choose directors for a dozen or more divisions in the Eastern organization. Aides to Martin whose appoint ments were announced yesterday in cluded Walter Shackelton. former Providence, R. I., newspaper man, publicity; W. J. Donald, former as sistant to Dr. Hubert Work, one-time Republican national chairman, office manager. Illinois Poll Inconclusive Early Returns Split Too Evenly--Tennessee Sena torial Race Clarified. BY RUTHWELL DUNCAN. CHICAGO, July 27.--Dlinola Republicans are not satisfied with the showing made by Landon In this State in the Farm Journal's figures for Its quadrennial poll of farmers. The 1,444 ballots received and counted from Illinois are split too evenly between the O. O. P. nominee and Franklin D. Roosevelt to offer substantial support for the claims of local leaders that there Is a powerful swing toward Landon. The Kansas Governor Is given 734 votes as against 710 for the President. The farmers who, normally, are the reservoir of Republican strength 4*% Tllin.la m«.4 tk. *1.1. If the Roosevelt urban strength is to be overcome. The strength, as some private polls in factories have Indicated, Is still dominant with the workers by a wide margin. Metro politan Chicago has more than half the vote of the State. City and county administrations are in the hands of the Democrats. Readers of the straws deduce that if Landon is to carry Illinois rural downstate must contribute the majority. The vote, however, indicates a trend on the part of the farmers toward their traditional party, and Landon's acceptance speech may accentuate It. Meantime the leaders of the State Republican ticket are exerting every effort to promote a Landon landslide that will be big enough to insure their own victory. The torrid weather from which the State suffered until last Friday acted as a check on political interest and activity. Repre rentative William Lemke paid a brief visit and discussed the out look for his campaign in Illinois with some of his friends. His Union party may have to use some other label on the ballot, because the Democrats, who consider such a thing clever, have already incor porated a Union party in order to blockade the Coughlin-Gerald Smith upstarts. The plans of William Hale Thompson, former Re publican mayor of Chicago, who has announced his intent of run ning against the regular party nominees for Governor, are said to con template an alliance with the Lemke outfit. "Big Bill" has projected a monster demonstration for Labor day, and among the attractions for his political circus it is reported the two reverend politicos, Rep resentative Lemke and Dr. Townsend, may be conspicuous figures. The estranged relations of Mayor Kelly of Chicago and Gov. Homer, and the controversy between the city Democratic administration and the Democratic State government over relief continue to be disturbing factors U1 MIC licw L/cai piugiatii. ouuic aujuouuv*n, uiaj ww loavuvu uww v»»v Governor has returned from vacation. Col. Knox, the Republican vice presidential nominee, is planning to begin a speaking campaign that will carry him far from home. Prepara tions are being made for his notification in Chicago next week. TENNESSEE IS ROOSEVELT STATE. By Thomas Fauntleroy, Special Correspondent of The Star. MEMPHIS. Tenn., July 27 -r-With the situation sharply clarified by the withdrawal from the senatorial race of E. W. Carmack, leaving the nom ination to Senator Nath Bachman, the Tennessee camDaiffn simmered down last week to a contest between Gordon Browning and Burgin Dossett for Governor. Dossett has the active support of the McAlister administration, plus the McKellar-Bachman Federal organization, which within recent months has grown to be unusually powerful. Browning, leader of the outs, is making his campaign against machine domination. The self-elimination of Carmack removes from Tennessee politics for the time being a name that 30 years ago had to be reckoned with. The former Senator of that name was one of the State's most popular political figures, and maintained his popularity in spite of his defeat for the Senate in 1906 by Bob Taylor and his defeat for Governor two years later by Ham Patterson. His son. a child at the time his father was killed on the streets of Nashville in 1909, is now running an afternoon paper in Murfreesboro, IU1U 110.1 Ut-til a OilBi p VMViV V* vuv. McAlister regime. Very little has been done toward organizing for the presidential cam paign. As the situation now stands. President Roosevelt will carry the State by much more than the normal majority, which is around 30,000 in a total which averages 400,000 The Democratic leadership in the State is enthusiastic for Roosevelt. This includes not merely the Sena tors, Representatives and other officeholders, both Federal and State, but the workers and in the rank and file. One of the President's strongest sup porters is former Representative E. H. Crump, dictator of the Memphis po litical organization, which is good for 40.000 majority at any time. Crump is a strong advocate of T. V. A. and of the President's social program. There is no activity among the Republicans. Tennessee has a habit of separating its local and presidential cam paigns. The McAlister administration has come in for some severe criti cisms, and it is possible that Dossett s nomination would lead some Demo crats to support the Republican nominee for Governor. But that would have little effect on the presidential vote. Tennessee elected a Republican Governor and went for Woodrow Wilson in 1912, and In 1928 it elected a Democratic Governor and went for Hoover. THOMAS ASKS LANDON TO STATE LABOR VIEWS By the Associated Press. NETW YORK. July 27--Norman Thomas. Socialist candidate for President, made public here yester day a letter he had written to Gov. Alf M. Landon. Republican candi date. asking Landon to state ex plicitly his position regarding at tempts to organize workers in the steel Industry and Southern share croppers. The letter, dated July 24, said that London's views on the rights of labor, as stated in his acceptance speech. were "for the most part" explicit. It asked clarification of the statement that employes are to be "free from interference from any source." Thomas said employers' organiza tions have used this phrase to mean a denial of the right of labor unions I actively to promote the organization of an unorganized factory or in dustry. "Is this," he asked, "the interpre tation to be given to your words? Specifically, where do you stand on the present drive to organize the steel industry or on the effort of the Southern Tenant Farmers' Union to organize the share-croppers and field workers?" Headline Folk and What They Do War in Spain Keeps Bril liant Democratic Orator Out of Campaign. BY ROBERT STRUNSKY. Embattled Democrats are dally finding grounds for be lieving that the Spanish civil war Is a plot on the part of the Republican party to keep Ambassador Claude Gemade Bowers out of the country until after election day. As lUlig agu itwi March, Mr. Bow ers received the formal invitation of the Demo cratic National Comm ittee to participate in the 1 Autumn cam paign. Such an invitation is In the nature of a command per- g formacice, b u t 1 Mr. Bow'ers has i been delayed at 1 his villa at F*uen tarrabia while all Claude G. Bowers. iri arrsiinH him In the last eight years, life has changed abruptly for the quiet edi torial writer of the defunct New York Evening World. From a private and anonymous citizen, wielding tre mendous political influence by virtue of his trenchant pen. he has now become a public figure far removed from the center of his Interests. It all started with his keynote speech at the Democratic National Conven tion in Houston in 1928. Outside of writing books about Thomas Jefferson, it was the first time in many years that Mr. Bowers came out in the open, and having arrived so boldly and bril liantly, his friends refused to release him. To be sure, he delivered a previous keynote address at the Indiana State Democratic Convention eight years before, and in 1898, at the age of 20, had stumped his native State for the Democratic party. He even ran for Congress from the Terre Haute dis trict at one time, but it came to nothing. His chief role in recent American history has been that of historian and commentator. He was one of the many brilliant writers produced by the Pulitzer newspapers, a list including Walter Lippmann, Charles Michelson, the late Frank Cobb and a host of lesser satellites. In the East he was never much of a practical politician. His chief in terest lay in the founders of democ racy, and it was not until a few of the party leaders discovered his ora torical gifts that he was drafted to take an active part in its affairs. A distinguished public speaker, he spoke very little in private, preferring to chew an ancient cigar and contemplate first principles. His ambassadorial career, until re cent events, has been peaceful. There was that trouble a few years ago be twen the Majorca authorities and the American literary colony, but it wa* pie compared with Indiana politics, and the Ambassador cleared it up easily. Not even the driving power and dynamic energy of Frederick Christo pher Dumaine could forestall the gradual crumbling of one of the larg est units of American industry, the great Amoskeag Textile Mill of Man chester, N. H., before the avalanche of the business depression. Six years ago, as treasurer and trustee of the largest cotton cloth factory in the world. Mr. Dumaine declared a $1 dividend on 385.000 shares of common stock and a 5 per cent salary bonus for its 12.000 employes. One of New England's foremost in dustrialists, Mr. Dumaine, now 70 years old, has been intimatly asso ciated with the Amoskeag mills since his youth. He practiced what some times appeared to be a ruthless policy of efficiency in his efforts to cut down the overhead and increase the sales. (Copyright. 1036.) HOW ABOUT GOINS MY HEAD ACHES TOO TO THE DANCE TERRIBLY, JOE! THE OUT ON THE HEAT...IM GOING RIGHT RIVER HOME TO BED I 1=1 WHAT HAVE I BEEN MISSING ALL MY LIFE THIS IS A GRAND SOAP? 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